Street. Roshal was a prominent figure in the Petrograd party, and a leader of the Kronstadt sailors whose revolutionary fervour had made them the ‘shock troops’ of the Bolshevik coup. Roshal produced an order of the Military Revolutionary Committee that Michael was to be taken to the Bolshevik headquarters in Petrograd. Michael protested, and after a long argument Roshal compromised: Michael could select his own accommodation in the capital and he would be free to go out, provided he stayed in the city. 12 Once more Michael was under arrest, but on rather more generous terms than had been the case under Kerensky ten weeks earlier. Yes, he would wait, said Roshal, until Michael could arrange something. He would come back tomorrow.
Michael telephoned 12 Millionnaya Street. Princess Putyatina had gone to Odessa, but her sister was staying there with her husband and brother. They would be delighted to have Michael and Natasha join them, but there was no room for the children. Michael called Matveev. The children and Miss Neame would stay with him.13
The following afternoon, Sunday, Roshal re-appeared with both of Michael’s car and a squad of sailors. At 5.30 p.m. the household set off in convoy, followed by Roshal and two truckloads of guards.
Having seen the children safely into Matveev’s apartment, Michael drove to Millionnaya Street, where Princess Putyatina’s brother-in-law came out to greet them. Michael put a finger to his lips, as warning to him to be careful what he said in front of the two armed sailors standing behind him, flanking Roshal, ‘a tall man, with dark, piercing eyes’, and dressed in a soldier’s tunic and fur cap. Roshal motioned them to go into the building, and once inside repeated his instructions on the terms of his ‘arrest’. He then left, leaving the two sailors as sentry on the door.14
Although officially ‘under surveillance’, the Bolsheviks left him alone over the next days. He walked around the city, going first to the square in front of the Winter Palace where he ‘admired its appearance’ as he caustically put it. ‘All the walls were spotted with bullets, and also the windows’.
Bolshevik propaganda would later portray ‘the storming of the Winter Palace’ in heroic terms as if a triumphant victory against a determined enemy, but it was nothing like that. There were only enough defenders to guard three doors, and the Red Guards, soldiers and sailors massed in the palace square simply broke in through the undefended doors and disarmed the tiny garrison once inside. The government ministers who had been working there, including Tereshchenko, were arrested. Three cadets were wounded, and six sailors were said to have been killed in the square earlier, but storm it was not.
On his return to Millionnaya Street, Michael and Natasha entertained friends. The conversation inevitably turning to politics, it became so heated with Natasha and the others so ‘worked up and shouting’, that ‘we had to employ drastic measures’, Michael suggesting that he should be given ‘a chairman’s bell to restore order’ and if that failed, ‘a revolver’.15
Eight days later, on Monday, November 13, Michael was told that he could go back to Gatchina under ‘house arrest’, though again the conditions were so lax that the order seemed not worth the paper it was written on.16
Although Michael was returning with everyone else, Natasha decided to stay on in Millionnaya Street for a few more days, though her motive was wholly practical: she was determined to go into the state Bank and rescue her valuables held there in a strong-box. The bank had been closed because of a strike, but it was due to re-open in two days’ time. She would be back on Saturday.
When he got home he dashed off a letter to her in Millionnaya Street, laconically addressing the envelope to ‘Comrade Nathalie Sergeyevna Brasova from Comrade MAR’. He reported that ‘two of our people kept watch in the house during the night because our guard had been removed, but, as of tomorrow, we are supposed to have a guard again. Everything is quiet and comfortable here, it was a great pleasure to return home and breathe the wonderful fresh air. Johnnie is going to town tomorrow and will call at Millionnaya for a minute, and will come back with you on Saturday. It is now 9.30 p.m. and he and I are going for a little sledge ride in the wonderful moonlight…’17
Natasha got what she wanted at the bank. Telling officials that she needed access to her strong-box in order to examine papers, she was escorted into the vault and the box given to her. When she left the bank her muff was ‘stuffed full of some of her more valuable and portable jewellery’.18 She would need it all in the days to come.
Although Michael was released from his notional ‘house arrest’ shortly after his return to Gatchina, he would not be free from minor harassment. On November 25, 1917, a party of soldiers arrived at the house with an order authorising them to confiscate wine and provisions. They took ‘80 bottles of our wine and a quantity of sugar… some bottles were drunk and smashed on the spot’.19
Determined to put an end to such petty looting and hooliganism, and to obtain some form of guarantee that the Bolsheviks would ‘leave me in peace’, Michael went back to Petrograd next day and walked into the party headquarters to confront one of Lenin’s henchmen, Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich, Secretary of the Soviet of the People’s Commissars. After Michael’s protestations, Bonch-Bruevich drew up a permit on official paper declaring Michael to have ‘free residence’ as an ordinary citizen.20
For the next three months the Bolsheviks left Michael Romanov in peace. He walked around the town unmolested, with people still bowing to him in the street. What he had not realised was that local volunteers had organised a discreet watch over him in case of trouble, and were also guarding his house against hooliganism.
When he did find out about this private protection, he made it known than he did not need it and that ‘nobody will touch me here. I do not have the right to give orders, but I want the guard to be removed.’21
One change for the better at Gatchina was the appointment of the young Vladimir Gushchik as palace commissar. Destined one day to be a celebrated writer, Gushchik still thought of Michael as a Grand Duke, and he would say of him that he had ‘three rare qualities: kindness, simplicity, and honesty…None of the parties were hostile towards him. Even socialists of all colours treated him with respect…’22
Gushchik became a close friend of Johnson and so trusted that he even became guardian of confidential papers which Michael did not feel it was safe to keep in his house. He proved himself a valuable friend and ally, and did what he could to make life as tolerable as the situation allowed. To protect Michael he would later burn the confidential papers entrusted to him;23 what they would have revealed about Michael and Natasha’s political contacts and activities is unknown.
But that would be later. Outwardly, life in Nikolaevskaya Street had settled down to so ordinary a routine that it might almost have been that the revolution had passed him by. When Christmas came ‘we lit the tree, danced around it, and played cat-and-mouse. The children made masks and danced around the room in a comical way…’ On New Year’s Eve ‘we sat down to eat at 12, not so much to greet the New Year as to say goodbye to damned 1917 which brought so much evil and misfortune to everyone’.24
THE New Year brought no sign that 1918 was going to be any better. The delayed elections for the Constituent Assembly, which the socialists had insisted should go ahead as the price of their support for the Bolsheviks, got them the victory they had expected, with the Bolsheviks capturing less than 25% of the vote and winning only some 170 of the 700-plus seats decided, less than half of those won by the Socialist Revolutionaries, which emerged, with some hundred results still to come in, as the majority party and seemingly destined to become Russia’s first elected government. 25
This was a mandate for a democratic republic, not a constitutional monarchy. Subject to a formal resolution, Michael’s caretaker role as Emperor appeared to be over. But when the Assembly met for its opening session on January 5, the Bolsheviks closed it down that same day by sending in armed and drunken troops, and that was the end of that — the last hope that Russia would decide its own future as Michael had decreed in his Millionnaya Street manifesto nine months earlier.
Two prominent liberal members elected to that Assembly — Aleksandr Shingarev and F. F. Kokoshkin, both sometime ministers in the Provisional Government — were murdered immediately afterwards. Russia was no longer a monarchy, a republic, or a democracy; henceforth it was to be ruled by Bolshevik
For most ordinary people, including Michael’s staff, though not Michael himself, the war had ceased to matter. The very British governess Miss Neame was as patriotic as anyone, but ‘it had come to such a pitch of
