Solution,” ed. Saul Friedlander (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 261.
57. Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind, pp. 68-69.
58. Philip Rahv, Essays on Literature and Politics, 1932-1972 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1978), p. 288.
59. Zbigniew Brzezinski, “The Pattern of Political Purges,” in “The Satellites in Eastern Europe,” special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 317 (May 1958): 79-87.
60. See, for instance, Stanislao G. Pugliese, Bitter Spring: A Life of Ignazio Silone (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 2009).
61. A. J. Polan, Lenin and the End of Politics (Berkeley: University of California, 1984).
62. Archie Brown, The Rise and Fall of Communism (London: Bodley Head, 2009), p. 37.
63. See Rees’s comment on Russell in The Sovietization of Eastern Europe, ed. Apor, Apor, and Rees, pp. 9-10.
64. Jowitt, New World Disorder, pp. 250-62.
65. For a detailed description of the position of “party intellectuals” within the general Czechoslovak debates over national identity in the post-1945 period, under circumstances of a widespread perception among the elites of the interwar republic as a compromised state project, see Bradley F. Abrams, The Struggle for the Soul of the Nation: Czech Culture and the Rise of Communism (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004).
66. Catherine Epstein, The Last Revolutionaries: German Communists and Their Century (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2003).
67. Ivo Banac, With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist Splits in Yugoslav Communism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988), p. 29.
68. During his trip to Moscow via Bucharest in January 1948, Georgi Dimitrov visited his old friend Petre Pandrea (Patra?canu’s brother-in-law) and talked about issues related to the emerging conflict between Tito and Stalin. They knew each other from the early 1930s in Berlin, where Pandrea studied law and Dimitrov was active with the Comintern’s Balkan Bureau. See Petre Pandrea, Memoriile mandarinului valah (Bucure?ti: Albatros, 2000).
69. Brzezinski, The Soviet Bloc, p. 65.
70. Erica Wallach, Light at Midnight (New York: Doubleday, 1967), quoted in Margolius, Reflections of Prague, p. 193. A personal element: my mother and Erica Wallach were friends during the Spanish Civil War, when my mother worked as a nurse under the supervision of Dr. Glaser, Erica’s father. Inasmuch as I know, during the 1951-52 investigations at the Party Control Commission in Bucharest, my mother was questioned regarding her Glaser-Slaynsky connections. During World War II, both my parents worked for Radio Moscow’s Romanian service, which was part of the Balkan Department subordinated to the Central-East European Section headed by Rudolf Slansky. For show trials and the psychology of true believers, see Egon Balas, Will to Freedom: A Perilous Journey through Fascism and Communism (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2000), p. 219.
71. Brzezinski, The Soviet Bloc, p. 52.
72. George H. Hodos, Show Trials: Stalinist Purges in Eastern Europe, 1948-1954 (New York: Praeger, 1987), pp. 11-12.
73. William Korey, “The Origins and Development of Soviet Anti-Semitism: An Analysis,” Slavic Review 31, no. 1 (Mar., 1972): 111-35. A year later, Korey developed his article into a book. William Korey, The Soviet Cage: Anti-Semitism in Russia (New York: Viking, 1973).
74. Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin (New York: Basic Books, 2010), p. 336.
75. Ibid., p. 335.
76. Ibid., p. 345.
77. Sheila Fitzpatrick, Tear Off the Masks! Identity and Imposture in Twentieth-Century Russia (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 298.
78. Joshua Rubenstein and Vladimir P. Naumov, eds., Stalin’s Secret Pogrom: The Postwar Inquisition of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale University Press, 2001); Snyder, Bloodlands, pp. 339-77.
79. Jonathan Brent and Vladimir Naumov, Stalin’s Last Crime: The Plot against the Jewish Doctors, 1948-1953 (New York: HarperCollins, 2003); and Louis Rapoport, Stalin’s War against the Jews: The Doctor’s Plot and the Soviet Solution (New York: Free Press, 1990).
80. Joshua Rubenstein, Tangled Loyalties: The Life and Times of Ilya Ehrenburg (New York: Basic Books, 1996).
81. Elaine Mackinnon, “Writing History for Stalin: Isaak Izrailevich Mints and the Istoriia grazhdanskoi voiny,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 6, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 38 -39.
82. “Rootless cosmopolitanism” alternated with a hardly veiled anti-Semitic version, that is, “cosmopolitanism of kith and kin.” On the phases of state and public anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union and under Stalin, see in particular Zvi Gitelman, A Century of Ambivalence: The Jews of Russia and the Soviet Union, 1881 to the Present (New York : Schocken Books, 1988); and Weiner, Making Sense of War.
83. See Francois Furet, The Passing of an Illusion, p. 558.
84. Snyder, Bloodlands, p. 334-35.
85. Merker himself was not of Jewish origin, but other high-profile people the Stasi (and NKVD) associated with his trial were Lex Ende, Leo Bauer, and Bruno Goldhammer. See Dorothy Miller, “The Death of a ‘Former Enemy of the Working Class’—Paul Merker,” Radio Free Europe Research/Communist Area, GDR/15, May 14, 1969.
86. Paul Merker was in the Mexico City from 1942 until 1945 and through his articles in Freies Deutschland was the only member of the KPD’s Politburo who insisted on the central role of antisemitism in Nazi Germany and on the special status of the Jews among Hitler’s victims. This was in sharp contrast with Walter Ulbricht’s writings and public stances on Fascism, Germany’s war crimes, and collective responsibility. Moreover, after 1948, Merker sharply diverged from the Soviet policy of refusing special status and retribution to Jews among Hitler’s victims. For the definitive work on Paul Merker’s case, see Jeffrey Herf, “East German Communists and the Jewish Question: The Case of Paul Merker,” Journal of Contemporary History 29, no. 4 (Oct. 1994): 627-61; but also Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanies (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997); and Jeffrey Herf, “The Emergence and Legacies of Divided Memory: Germany and the Holocaust after 1945,” in Memory and Power in Postwar Europe: Studies in the Presence of the Past, ed. JanWerner Muller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 184-205.
87. For a detailed explanation of power struggles in the 1930s and 1940s, see “A Messianic Sect: The Underground Romanian Communist Party, 1921-1944,” in my Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).
88. Franz Borkenau, World Communism: A History of the Communist International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1962), p. 178.
89. For a details on this interpretation of the events, see Robert Levy, Ana Pauker: The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). For a critique, see Pavel Campeanu, Ceau?escu, Anii numaratorii inverse (Bucure?ti: Polirom, 2002).
90. “Note Regarding the Conversation of I. V. Stalin with Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej and A. Pauker on the Situation within the RCP and the State of Affairs in Romania in Connection with the Peace Treaty,” no. 191, February 2, 1947, in Vostochnaia Evropa v dokumentakh arkhivov, 1944-1953, ed. Galin P. Muraschko, Albina F. Noskowa, and Tatiana V. Volokitina (Moscow, 1997), 1:564-65. See also
