Chapter 20
‘Baba’s’ box
The process is not new but is generally effective: all you need is a simple box and diplomatic accreditation. Add a handful of thugs and someone with basic medical knowledge and voila! Now you can forcibly repatriate an individual and engage in continued and discreet discussions. But this does not always work and sometimes work and prying customs officers or untimely revelations about the location of the secret box are enough to derail the entire operation.
This is how President Nasser's secret service agents were surprised at Rome airport, when they were about to load a trunk containing a spy whom they intended to question. This was not the first time that this spy trunk, which was designed to carry a passenger in the most comfortable conditions without the inconvenience of brutal porters, had been used by Nasser's agents. There is also no doubt that similar modes of transportation have been devised by other intelligence agencies.
The misadventures of Umaru Dikko immediately spring to mind, proving that even the best intelligence can fail and that agents can be caught with their hands in the cookie jar!
The incident took place in the centre of London, in a well-to-do area. On a day in July 1984, an African man stepped out of his fine residential complex. He was wearing the traditional dress of a long white robe, with a hat, while his thick glasses gave him a distinguished air. Scarcely had he walked two paces down the road when a canary yellow van pulled up alongside. Several men jumped out, seized him, and threw him into the back of the vehicle which sped off immediately. It was impossible to resist, especially when this rather small man was faced with such sturdy and determined men.
The kidnap had been successful. However, there were two rather odd details about what had happened. Firstly, the colour of the van: if you are conducting a kidnapping on a road, surely you would use a more discreet vehicle! Another issue was that the incident took place right outside the victim's home. A friend or family member could have seen what happened and alerted the authorities - which is exactly what happened. The African man's secretary was at the window and witnessed the kidnapping, then naturally called the police.
The kidnapped man was called Umaru Dikko. A former Nigerian government minister, he had been instrumental in the election of President Shehu Shagari, who had won the first democratic election in 1979 after years of military dictatorship. However, in 1983, a few months before Dikko's kidnapping, Shagari had been the victim of a coup and the military was now back in power. As usual, they had promised to restore democracy once order had been returned and politics had been cleaned up but in reality, a real dictatorship was established. Putsch after putsch followed and it was not until 1999 that a return to the polling booths took place. But that is another story, and recent news confirms that the situation in Nigeria is still chaotic.
Umaru Dikko was very close to Shagari when the military seized power and had to flee his country in extraordinary circumstances. Knowing that he was a wanted man, at first he spent a few days hiding out in the capital city of Lagos. After somehow managing to obtain a cassock, he disguised himself as a priest and crossed the border with Togo on a moped. He fled to Amsterdam before later settling in London, finding refuge with his country's former colonial power as many other Nigerians had done when forced to flee their homeland.
Firstly, a few basic facts need to be addressed. While the Nigerian people themselves lived in great poverty, the country itself was actually very rich. Nigeria is one of the true giants of Africa; with a population of well over 100 million it is also the largest oil producer on the continent. Yet oil rarely leads to the happiness of a country, mainly due to the corruption it causes; and as it forms a country's main resource, the wealth it generates can often fluctuate as prices go up and down. On the other hand, if the country does not have the facilities to process the oil, then it becomes highly dependent on help from abroad. The oil revenues also have to be strictly controlled so as to avoid too much debt and when prices fall there is a temptation to appeal to international lenders. Nigeria was a victim of its own wealth, especially in early 1980: under the leadership of President Shagari, oil suddenly lost 60 per cent of its value.
Dikko's nickname was ‘Baba', which means ‘Old' in Yoruba, although at the time, he was not even fifty. However, the name probably stems from the respect that he inspired. ‘Baba' originally came from northern Nigeria and had been educated at a school for the country's elite. He afterwards left for London where he gained a mathematics degree and for a time, worked for the BBC.
Dikko had been interested in politics from early on: in London he had been the leader of an organisation of Nigerian students and later, when he returned to his home country, he was appointed commissioner of public finances for his state (Nigeria is a federal state). He gradually climbed up the ranks; however, the turning point in his life came when he met the future president, Shagari, who became his brother-in-law. It should also be mentioned that his own brother was later appointed advisor for oil affairs: a key position in Nigeria.
When Shagari was elected president, it was natural that Dikko was also at the heart of power and became
