reasons particularly why M. Weil and the Commandant should have understood each other. By one of those contrasts common to thoughtful men, M. Weil, who never left his books and lived only in the life of the mind, had a passion for all things military. “We are all cranks,” said the half-Jew Montaigne, applying to mankind in general what is perfectly true of certain types of minds, like the type of which M. Weil was an example. The old intellectual had the craze for Napoleon. He collected books and relics which brought to life in him the terrible dream of the Imperial epic. Like many Frenchmen of that crepuscular epoch, he was dazzled by the distant rays of that glorious sun. He used to go through the campaigns, fight the battles all over again, and discuss operations: he was one of those chamber-strategists who swarm in the Academies and the Universities, who explain Austerlitz and declare how Waterloo should have been fought. He was the first to make fun of the “Napoleonite” in himself: it tickled his irony: but none the less he went on reading the splendid stories with the wild enthusiasm of a child playing a game: he would weep over certain episodes: and when he realized that he had been weak enough to shed tears, he would roar with laughter, and call himself an old fool. As a matter of fact, he was a Napoleonite not so much from patriotism as from a romantic interest and a platonic love of action. However, he was a good patriot, and much more attached to France than many an actual Frenchman. The French anti-Semites are stupid and actively mischievous in casting their insulting suspicions on the feeling for France of the Jews who have settled in the country. Outside the reasons by which any family does of necessity, after a generation or two, become attached to the land of its adoption, where the blood of the soil has become its own, the Jews have especial reason to love the nation which in the West stands for the most advanced ideas of intellectual and moral liberty. They love it because for a hundred years they have helped to make it so, and its liberty is in part their work. How, then, should they not defend it against every menace of feudal reaction? To try⁠—as a handful of unscrupulous politicians and a herd of wrongheaded people would like⁠—to break the bonds which bind these Frenchmen by adoption to France, is to play into the hands of that reaction.

Commandant Chabran was one of those wrongheaded old Frenchmen who are roused to fury by the newspapers, which make out that every immigrant into France is a secret enemy, and, in a human, hospitable spirit, force themselves to suspect and hate and revile them, and deny the brave destiny of the race, which is the conflux of all the races. Therefore, he thought it incumbent on him not to know the tenant of the first floor, although he would have been glad to have his acquaintance. As for M. Weil, he would have been very glad to talk to the old soldier: but he knew him for a nationalist, and regarded him with mild contempt.

Christophe had much less reason than the Commandant for being interested in M. Weil. But he could not bear to hear ill spoken of anybody unjustly. And he broke many a lance in defence of M. Weil when he was attacked in his presence.

One day, when the Commandant, as usual, was railing against the prevailing state of things, Christophe said to him:

“It is your own fault. You all shut yourselves up inside yourselves. When things in France are not going well, to your way of thinking, you submit to it and send in your resignation. One would think it was a point of honor with you to admit yourselves beaten. I’ve never seen anybody lose a cause with such absolute delight. Come, Commandant, you have made war; is that fighting, or anything like it?”

“It is not a question of fighting,” replied the Commandant. “We don’t fight against France. In such struggles as these we have to argue, and vote, and mix with all sorts of knaves and low blackguards: and I don’t like it.”

“You seem to be profoundly disgusted! I suppose you had to do with knaves and low blackguards in Africa!”

“On my honor, that did not disgust me nearly so much. Out there one could always knock them down! Besides, if it’s a question of fighting, you need soldiers. I had my sharpshooters out there. Here I am all alone.”

“It isn’t that there is any lack of good men.”

“Where are they?”

“Everywhere. All round us.”

“Well: what are they doing?”

“Just what you’re doing. Nothing. They say there’s nothing to be done.”

“Give me an instance.”

“Three, if you like, in this very house.”

Christophe mentioned M. Weil⁠—(the Commandant gave an exclamation)⁠—and the Elsbergers⁠—(he jumped in his seat):

“That Jew? Those Dreyfusards?”

“Dreyfusards?” said Christophe. “Well: what does that matter?”

“It is they who have ruined France.”

“They love France as much as you do.”

“They’re mad, mischievous lunatics.”

“Can’t you be just to your adversaries?”

“I can get on quite well with loyal adversaries who use the same weapons. The proof of that is that I am here talking to you, Monsieur German. I can think well of the Germans, although some day I hope to give them back with interest the thrashing we got from them. But it is not the same thing with our enemies at home: they use underhand weapons, sophistry, and unsound ideas, and a poisonous humanitarianism.⁠ ⁠…”

“Yes. You are in the same state of mind as that of the knights of the Middle Ages, when, for the first time, they found themselves faced with gunpowder. What do you want? There is evolution in war too.”

“So be it. But then, let us be frank, and say that war is war.”

“Suppose a common enemy were to threaten Europe, wouldn’t you throw in your

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