denied themselves the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, and led themselves out of temptation. Since fight they must, being men with men’s passions, they would limit their powers of destruction.⁠ ⁠… So he read their strange self-denying ordinance.

The thought led him on to wonder whether they were alone in their self-denying ordinance.⁠ ⁠… Surely not⁠—unless they lived hidden, in complete isolation, out of contact with others of their kind. And obviously they did not live isolated; they had spoken of others who were stronger, and of land that was theirs⁠—implying a system of boundary and penalty for trespass and theft. Further, the phrase “against all enemies” indicated at least a possibility of the contact that was bloodshed⁠—yet enemies who had not renounced the advantage of mechanical and scientific knowledge would be enemies who could overwhelm at the first encounter a community fighting as barbarians.⁠ ⁠… What, then, was their relation to a world more civilized and communities that had not renounced?⁠ ⁠…

In the end, from sheer exhaustion, he ceased to surmise and argue with himself⁠—and slept suddenly and heavily, huddling for warmth on his moss-bed against the body of his nearest gaoler.


It was a thrust from a foot that awakened him, and he crawled out shivering into the half-light of dawn and the chill of a frostbitten morning; the camp was alive and emerging from its shelters, the women already occupied in cooking the morning meal. Theodore and his guardians shared a bowl of steaming mess; a mingling of potatoes, dried greenstuff and gobbets of meat which he guessed to be rat-flesh. They shared it wolfishly, each man eating fast lest his fellows had more than their portion; the meal over, the bowl was flung back to the women for washing, and his gaolers⁠—his mates now⁠—relaxed; there was no further reason for unfriendliness and they were willing enough to be communicative, with the slow uncommunicativeness of men who have little but their daily round to talk about.

They had neighbours, yes⁠—at least what you might call neighbours; there was a settlement, much the same size as their own, some three or four hours’ journey away, on the other side of the river⁠—that was the nearest, and the tribesmen met sometimes but not often. Being questioned, they explained that there was frequent trouble about fishing rights⁠—where our stretch of river ended and theirs began; trouble and, now and then, fighting. Yes, of course, they lived as we do⁠—how else should they live?⁠ ⁠… They were better off for shelter, having taken possession of a village⁠—but we, in the hills, were much safer, not so easy to attack or surprise.⁠ ⁠… No, they were not the only ones; on this side the river, but farther away, was another settlement, a larger one; there had been trouble with them, too, as they were very short of food and sent out raiding parties. They had fallen on the village across the water, carried off some of its winter stock and set light to three or four houses; later⁠—a month ago⁠—they had fallen on us, less successfully because we were warned and on the lookout for them.⁠ ⁠… That was why we always have watchers at night⁠—the watchers who saw your fire.⁠ ⁠…

Even from a first halting conversation with men who found anything but sheer statement of fact a difficulty, Theodore was able to construct in outline the common life of this new humanity, its politics, internal and external. The constitution of the tribe⁠—the origin and keystone of the social system⁠—had been, in the beginning, as much a matter of reckless chance as the mating of himself and Ada; small wandering groups of men, who had come alive through the agony of war and famine, had been knit together by a common need or a terror of loneliness, and insensibly welded into a whole, an embryo community. It was a matter of chance, too, in the beginning whether the meeting with another little wandering group would result in bloodshed for the possession of food⁠—sometimes for the possession of women⁠—or a welcome and the joining up of forces; but to the joining-up process there was always a limit⁠—the limit of resources available. A tribe which desired to augment its strength as against its rivals was faced with the difficulty of filling many hungry mouths.⁠ ⁠… Their own community had once been faced with such a difficulty and had solved it by driving out three or four of its weaker members.

“What became of them?” asked Theodore, and was told no one knew. It was winter when food ran short and they were driven out⁠—and some of them had come back after nightfall to the edge of the camp and cried to be allowed in again. Till the men ran out and drove them off with sticks and stone-throwing. After that they went and were no more seen.⁠ ⁠… Later, in the summer, there had broken out a sickness which again reduced their numbers. When the wind blew for long up the valley it brought a bad smell with it⁠—and flies. That was what caused the sickness. There had been a great deal of it; it was said that in a village lower down the river more than half the inhabitants had died.

He surmised as he listened⁠—and realized later⁠—that it was the need of avoiding constant strife that had broken the nomadic habit and solidified the wandering and fluid groups into tribes with a settled dwelling-place. Until a limit was set to their wanderings, groups and single nomads drifted hither and thither in the search for food, snarling at each other when they met; the end of sheer anarchy came with appropriation, by a particular group, of a stretch of country which gave some promise of supporting it. That entailed the institution of communal property, the setting up of a barrier against the incursions of others⁠—a barrier which was also a limit beyond which the group must not trespass on the land and possessions of others.⁠ ⁠… Swiftly, insensibly and naturally, there was growing up a system of boundaries;

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