Hamburg, and so on).
The diaspora of the once-flourishing Protestants of Poland (and of many in Hungary, Bohemia, and Transylvania) remains a relatively obscure chapter in the complex confessional politics of Eastern Europe. It is fairly clear that the Counter Reformation zeal of the Jesuits combined with princely fears of political disintegration and social change to permit an aggressive reassertion of Catholic power throughout East Central Europe in the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth century. But it seems implausible to assume that these relatively extreme communities of Calvinists, Czech brethren, and Socinians simply vanished after military defeat and passively accepted Catholicism. To be sure, many regions were totally exhausted by the end of the fighting, and had no alternative to capitulation. But in eastern Poland, where Protestantism had some of its strongest supporters and the power of the Counter Reformation had come relatively late, the anti-Catholic cause was strengthened by the Orthodox community of White Russia ??????? proximity of Orthodox Muscovy. Forced Catholicization tended to make defensive allies of the large Protestant and Orthodox minorities under Polish rule. It seems probable that the Orthodox community
absorbed some of the personnel as well as the organizational and polemic techniques of the Protestants as they were hounded into oblivion.^Thus, when the anti-Catholic Orthodox clergy of White Russia and the Ukraine eventually turned to Muscovy for protection against the dnrushing Counter Reformation^ they~brought with them elements' of~a fading Polish Protestantism as well as a resurgent Slavic Orthodoxy.
The formation of the Uniat Church accelerated this chain of developments by securing the allegiance to Rome of most of the Orthodox hierarchy in the Polish kingdom. The union with Rome was not accepted so readily at the lower levels of the hierarchy or among local lay leaders anxious to maintain their historic liberties and autonomy. In organizing for their resistance to Catholicization, Orthodox communities leaned increasingly on regional brotherhoods, which took on a Protestant tinge. Their origins, though still obscure, appear to lie in contact with the neighboring Czech dissenters who had also helped steer Polish Protestants into the closely knit 'brotherhood' form of organization.105 The initial strength of the Orthodox brotherhoods was concentrated in many of the same semi- independent cities in eastern Poland, where Polish Protestants had made their most spectacular gains a half century earlier. The anti-hierarchical bias, close communal discipline, and emphasis on a program of religious printing and education in the vernacular among the Orthodox brotherhoods are reminiscent of both Hussite and Calvinist practice.
Sigismund helped further the sense of identification between non-Uniat Orthodox jmd Protestants by lumping them together as 'heretical,' and thus denyingjhejOrtho^oxjfte somewhat preferred status of 'schismatic',, traditionally accorded in Roman Catholic teaching. Protestants and Orthodox began the search for a measure of common action against Sigismund's poUcie^at_ajneeting of leaders from both communities in Lithuania in the summer of I595.106 During the decade preceding this meeting, the Orthodox had formed at least fourteen brotherhood organizations and a large number of schools and printing shops.107 During the years that followed, Protestant communities were often forced into the protective embrace of the more established Orthodox communities as Sigismund's persecution of religious dissenters increased. At the same time, the Orthodox opponents of Catholicism adopted many of the apocalyptically anti-Catholic ideas of Protestant polemic writings and absorbed into their schools harassed but well-educated Polish Protestants as well as Slavic defectors from Jesuit academies. '
The brotherhood schools and presses of White Russia were the first broad media of instruction to appear among the Orthodox Eastern Slavs. The first two brotherhood presses-those of Vilnius and Lwow-made particularly great contributions to enlightenment. The former published the
first two Church Slavonic grammars (in 1596 and 1619), and the latter published more than thirty-three thousand copies of basic alphabet books {bukvar') between 1585 and 1722.los The school at Ostrog taught Latin as well as Greek, and sponsored the printing in 1576-80 of the first complete Slavonic bible.109 The brotherhood schools continued to multiply in the early seventeenth century, and spread to the east and south as the Orthodox communities in those regions sought to combat the spread of Catholic influence. The Kiev brotherhood played a particularly important role, setting up (while still under Polish control inj632) the first Orthodox institution of higher education ever to appear among the Eastern Slavs: the Kiev Academy.
Two leading Orthodox personalities of the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth century illustrate the Protestant influence on the beleaguered Russian Orthodox community during this period. Stephan Zizanius, the White Russian author of the first Slavonic grammar in 1596, followed the Lutheran practice of inserting catechistic homilies and anti-Catholic comments into his instructional material. His Book of Cyril, a gloomy, anti-Uniat compilation of prophetic texts, incorporated many of the polemic arguments used against the Roman Church by Protestant propagandists. Just as the Kiev Academy became the model for the monastic schools and academies that began to appear in Muscovy in the late seventeenth century, so Zizanius' arguments that the reign of Antichrist was at hand became the basis for the xenophobic and apocalyptical writings of the seventeenth-century Muscovite Church.110
Even more deeply influenced by Protestantism was Cyril Lukaris, the early-seventeenth-century Greek Patriarch of Constantinople, who had served as a parish priest and teacher in the brotherhood schools of Vilnius and Lwow during the 1590's. Deeply influenced by their anti-Catholicism, he was one of the two representatives of the Orthodox hierarchy to vote against the final acceptance of the union at Brest in 1596. In the course of his subsequent career, Lukaris became a close friend of various Anglicans as well as Polish and Hungarian Calvinists, and became doctrinally a virtual Calvinist. After his elevation to the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1620, he 'attached himself to the Protestant powers,'111 and was called by the Hapsburg ambassador to the Porte 'the archfiend of the Catholic Church.'112 Through his close links with Patriarch Philaret, Lukaris was instrumental in bringing Russia into the anti-Hapsburg coalition in the second half of jheJTJrirly Years' War.
A final link between the Orthodox and Protestant worlds that was forged by a common Slavic and anti- Catholic association may be found in the great seventeenth-century Czech writer and educator, Jan Comenius.
Though distressed at the low educational level of the Eastern Slavs, Comenius wrote, after the destruction of the Czech Protestant community in 1620, that Muscovy offered the only hope of defeating the Catholic cause in Europe.113 Subsequently, as an emigre among the Protestant communities of Poland, Comenius became interested in the Orthodox brotherhoods and was probably influenced by their curricula and pedagogical theories while drawing up his own famous theories of education and public enlightenment.114
Hardly less important than the influx of Protestant influences by way of the anti-Uniat movement in western and southern Russia was the direct // impact of Sweden, the powerful Protestant rival and northern neighbor of ^pMuscovy.
The Swedish presence began to be felt in the 1590's with the Swedish sack and occupation of the northernmost Russian monastery, at Petsamo on the Arctic Ocean,115 and the movement of Swedish colonists and evangelists into the region of Lake Ladoga. The real influx began, however, with the Swedish efforts to curb the Polish advance into Russia during the Time of Troubles. Sigismund's Protestant uncle, Charles IX of Sweden, launched a campaign to stiffen the resistance of the new tsar Shuisky to Catholic Poland in the name of 'all Christianity.'116 In 1607 Charles sent the Russians the first treatise to appear in Russia on the burgeoning new European art of war;117 and „in the following year addressed the first of three unprecedented propaganda appeals directly to 'all ranks of Russia' to rise up against 'the Polish and Lithuanian dogs.'118 In the ensuing months, the Swedes began a large-scale intervention that extended from Novgorod through Yaroslavl and involved the occupation of the venerable Orthodox monastery of Valaam on islands within Lake Ladoga and the issuance of
