anti-Catholic propaganda to the Solovetsk monastery and other centers in
the Russian north.',
?
.-? The Swedes were, indeed, the unsung heroes of the liberation of Mos-
^*l5ow from Polish occupation. Intervention against Poland in 1609 was followed by the dispatch to Muscovy of money and of a Dutch-trained general in the Swedish service, Christernus Some, who helped organize the army of Skopin-Shuisky for the critical campaigns of 1609-10, which expelled Sigismund from without and suppressed Cossack insurrection within.119 The non-noble militia of Minin and Pozharsky which drove the aristocratic Polish legions from Moscow for the second and final time in 1612-13 was in some respects a rudimentary version of the revolutionary new citizen type of army with which the Swedes were shortly to crush the aristocratic Hapsburg armies in the Thirty Years' War. At the high point of the Polish penetration in 1612, a zemsky sobor convened at Yaroslavl entered into negotia-
tions with Sweden for the Swedish crown prince to take over the vacant throne of Russia.120 At the same time, the English extended Russia an offer of protectorate status.121 The Dutch, who rivaled and soon supplanted'the English as' the main foreign commercial power in Russia, helped launch the first organ of systematic news dissemination inside Russia in 1621, the hand-written kuranty, and provided much of the material and personnel for the rapidly growing Russian army.122 Twice-in 1621-2 and 1643-5- the Danes nearly succeeded in foreclosing royal marriages with the insecure new house of Romanov.123
,4 The extent of Swedish influence in the early years of the Romanov
y'dynasty is still insufficiently appreciated. Not only did Sweden take away Russia's limited access to the eastern Baltic by the terms of the Treaty of Stolbovo in 1617, but Swedish hegemony was gradually extended down the coast beyond Riga and Swedish trading prerogatives maintained in Novgorod and other important Russian commercial centers. The Swedes were granted fishing rights on the White Lake, deep inside Russia, by the Monastery of St. Cyril in 1621, and there was considerable intercourse between Sweden and Solovetsk on the White Sea until a general crackdown
ion relationsjvith Lutherans was decreed in 1629 by_the_ Metropolitan of
V Novgorod^ for the entirety of northern Russia.
The reason for his concern was the energetic proselyting that was being conducted by the Swedes, who had founded a Slavic printing press in Stockholm in 1625. Orthodox priests living under Swedish rule were required to attend a Lutheran service at least once a month, and a Lutheran catechism was printed ??Russian in 1625 in the first of two editions. Another catechism was later printed in a Cyrillic version of the Finnish language for evarfgelizing the Finns and Karelians. In 1631 the energetic new governor general of Livonia, Johannes Skytte, founded a school on the future site of St. Petersburg that included the Russian language in its curriculum. In 1632 a Lutheran University was founded at Tartu (Dorpat, Derpt, Yur'ev) in Esthonia, in the place of a former Jesuit academy.124 In 1640 a higher academy was founded in Turku (Abo), the chief port and capital of Swedish Finland (whose name may derive from the Russian 'trade,' torg). During 1633-4 a Lutheran over-consistory was established in Livonia with six under-consistories and a substantial program of public instruction. The. university at Tartu and the academy at Kiev-both founded in 1632 by non-Russians with an essentially Latin curriculum- wereTin a sense, the first Russian institutions of higher education, founded more than a century before the University of Moscow in 1755. The conquest of Kiev from the Poles in 1667 and Tartu from the Swedes m 1704 were, thus, events of cultural as well as political importance.
Nor were the reformed Protestant churches inactive. By the late 1620's there was at least one Calvinist church in Moscow supported mainly by BrnxHTesfdents as well as three Lutheran Churches;128 and the existence of jTRussian-language Calvinist catechism of the 1620's or 1630's for which no known Western model has been found indicates that there may have been some attempts to adopt Calvinist literature for Russian audiences.126
With'such a variety of Protestant forces operating inside Muscovy in the early seventeenth century, it is hardly surprising that anti-Catholicism grew apace. One of the first acts of Patriarch Philaret, after becoming in 1619 co- ruler of'Russiawith his son tsar Michael, was to require the re-baptism of all Catholics; and discriminatory regulations were enacted in the 1630's to exclude Roman Catholics from the growing number of mercenaries recruited for Russia in Western Europe.127 The continued expansion of Jesuit schools in western Russia and the Polish Ukraine, the establishment of a new Catholic diocese of Smolensk, and Sigismund's proclamation of a 'Universal Union' of Orthodoxy with Catholicism had intensified anti-Catholic feeling in the 1620's.128 The Swedes supported and encouraged the Russian attack on Poland in 1632; and the Swedish victory over the Catholic emperor at Breitenfeld in the same year was celebrated by special church services and the festive ringing of bells in Moscow. Orthodox merchants in Novgorod placed pictures of the victorious Gustavus Adolphus in places of veneration usually reserved for icons.129
,-- Indeed, it was not until the crown prince of Denmark arrived in Moscow iri 1644 to arrange for a Protestant marriage to the daughter of Tsar Michael that Russian society became aware of the extent that the young dynasty had identified itself with the Protestant powers. The successful campaign of leading clerical figures to block this marriage^on religious grounds combined with the intensified campaign of native merchants against economic concessions to foreigners to turn Muscovy in the 1640's away from any gradual drift toward Protestantism. But by the time Russia began to restrict the activities of Protestant elements and prepare for battle with the Swedes, it had established a deepening technological and administrative dependence on the more distant 'Germans'-and particularly the Dutch^this dependence was hardest of all to throw off, because it arose out of the military necessities of the struggle against the Poles and Swedes.
Beginning in the 1550's, Russia Had plunged into its 'military revolution,' as Ivan the Terrible mobilized the first full-time, paid Russian infantry (the streltsy) and began the large-scale recruitment of foreign mercenaries.130 The number of both streltsy and mercenaries increased; and in the first three decades of the seventeenth century, the total number of traditional, non-noble elements fell from one half to about one fourth of
the Russian army.131 Swedish and Dutch influences became evident in the introduction of longer lances, more mobile formations, stricter drill methods, and the first use of military maps. Polishjoes begrudgingly-and not inaccurately--referred to the 'Dutch cleverness' ???? Russian troops.132
As the Dutch joined the^ Swedes in the building of the Russian army for its inconclusive war with Poland in 1632-4, the Muscovite army began the most dramatic expansion of its entire history, increasing from its more or less standard size of about 100,000 to a figure in the vicinity of 300,000 in the last stages of the victorious campaign against Poland in the 1660's.133 Most of the officers and many of the ordinary soldiers were imported from North European Protestant countries, so that a good fourth i of this swollen army was foreign.134
Those_Western arrivals (like many newly assimilated Tatars, Southern Slavs, and so on) were uprooted figures, completely dependent on the state. They became a major component in the new service nobility, or dvorianstvo, which gradually replaced the older and more traditional landed aristocracy. Other developments which accompanied and supported the 'military revolution' in early-seventeenth-century Russia were the growth of governmental bureaucracy, the expanded power of regional military commanders (yoevodas), and the formalization
