that end. We have Gregory back, unhurt.'
'I see.'
'You should also see that your options are now those which we intended. I need to know which choice you will make.'
'It is obvious, is it not?'
'One of the things I have learned in studying your country is that nothing is as obvious as we would like.' That drew something that was almost a smile.
'How will I be treated?'
'Quite well.' A hell of lot better than you deserve.
'My family?'
'Them also.'
'And how do you propose to get the three of us out?'
'I believe your wife is Estonian by birth, and that she often travels to her home. Have them there Friday night,' Ryan said, continuing with some details.
'Exactly what-'
'You do not need that information, Mr. Gerasimov.'
'Ryan, you cannot-'
'Yes, sir, I can,' Jack cut him off, wondering why he'd said 'sir.'
'And for me?' the Chairman asked. Ryan told him what he'd have to do. Gerasimov agreed. 'I have one question.'
'Yes?'
'How did you fool Polatonov? He's a very clever man.'
'There really was a minor flap with the SEC, but that wasn't the important part.' Ryan got ready to leave. 'We couldn't have done it without you. We had to stage a really good scene, something that you don't fake. Congressmen Trent was over here six months ago, and he met a fellow named Valeriy. They got to be very close friends. He found out later that you gave Valeriy five years for 'antisocial activity.' Anyway, he wanted to get even. We asked for his help and he jumped at it. So I suppose you could say that we used your own prejudices against you.'
'What would have have us do with such people, Ryan?' the Chairman demanded. 'Do you-'
'I don't make laws, Mr. Gerasimov.' Ryan walked out. It was nice, he thought on the return to the embassy compound, to have the wind at his back for a change.
'Good morning, Comrade General Secretary.' 'You need not be so formal, Ilyra Arkadyevich. There are Politburo members more senior to you who do not have the vote, and we have been comrades too? long. What is troubling you?' Narmonov asked cautiously. The pain in his colleague's eyes was evident. They were scheduled to talk about the winter wheat crop, but-'Andrey Il'ych, I do not know how to begin.' Vaneyev nearly choked on the words, and tears began to stream from his eyes. 'It is my daughter?' He went on for ten fitful minutes.
'And?' Narmonov asked, when it seemed that he'd finally stopped-but as was obvious, there had to be more. There was.
'Alexandrov and Gerasimov, then.' Narmonov leaned back in his chair and stared at the wall. 'It took great courage indeed for you to come to me with this, my friend.'
'I cannot let them-even if it means my career, Andrey, I cannot let them stop you now. You have too many things to do, we-you have too many things to change. I must leave. I know that. But you must stay, Andrey. The people need you here if we are to accomplish anything.'
It was noteworthy that he'd said people rather than Party, Narmonov thought. The times really were changing. No. He shook his head. It wasn't that, not yet. All he had accomplished was to create the atmosphere within which the times might have the possibility of change. Vaneyev was one who understood that the problem was not so much goals as process. Every Politburo member knew-had known for years-the things that needed to be changed. It was the method of change that no one could agree on. It was like turning a ship to a new course, he thought, but knowing that the rudder might break if you did so. Continuing in the same path would allow the ship to plow on into? what? Where was the Soviet Union heading? They didn't even know that. But to change course meant risk, and if the rudder broke-if the Party lost its ascendancy-then there would be only chaos. That was a choice that no rational man would wish to face, but it was a choice whose necessity no rational man could deny.
We don't even know what our country is doing, Narmonov thought to himself. For at least the past eight years all figures on economic performance had been false in one way or another, each compounding itself on the next until the economic forecasts generated by the GOSPLAN bureaucracy were as fictitious as the list of Stalin's virtues. The ship he commanded was running deeper and deeper into an enveloping fog of lies told by functionaries whose careers would be destroyed by the truth. That was how he spoke of it at the weekly Politburo meetings. Forty years of rosy goals and predictions had merely plotted a course on a meaningless chart. Even the Potitburo itself didn't know the state of the Soviet Union-something the West hardly suspected.
The alternative? That was the rub, wasn't it? In his darker moments, Narmonov wondered if he or anyone else could really change things. The goal of his entire political life had been to achieve the power that he now held, and only now did he fully understand how circumscribed that power was, All the way up the ladder of his career he'd noted things that had to change, never fully appreciating how difficult that would be. The power he wielded wasn't the same as Stalin's had been. His more immediate predecessors had seen to that. Now the Soviet Union wasn't so much a ship to be guided, as a huge bureaucratic spring that absorbed and dissipated energy and vibrated only to its own inefficient frequency. Unless that changed? the West was racing into a new industrial age while the Soviet Union still could not feed itself, China was adopting the economic lessons of Japan, and in two generations might become the world's third economy: a billion people with a strong, driving economy, right on our border, hungry for land, and with a racial hatred of all Russians that could make Hitler's fascist legions seem like a flock of football hooligans. That was a strategic threat to his country that made the nuclear weapons of America and NATO shrivel to insignificance-and still the Party bureaucracy didn't see that it had to change or risk being the agent of its own doom! Someone has to try, and that someone is me. But in order to try, he first had to survive himself, survive long enough to communicate his vision of national goals, first to the Party, then to the people-or perhaps the other way around? Neither would be easy. The Party had its ways, resistant to change, and the people, the narod, no longer gave a moment's thought to what the Party and its leader said to them. That was the amusing part. The West-the enemies of his nation-held him in higher esteem than his own countrymen.
And what does that mean? he asked himself. If they are enemies, does their favor mean that I am proceeding on the right path-right for whom? Narmonov wondered if the American President were as lonely as he. But before facing that impossible task, he still had the day-to-day tactical problem of personal survival. Even now, even at the hands of his trusted colleague. Narmonov sighed. It was a very Russian sound.
'So, Ilya, what will you do?' he asked a man who could not commit an act of treason more heinous than his daughter's.
'I will support you if it means my disgrace. My Svetlana will have to face the consequences of her action.' Vaneyev sat upright and wiped his eyes. He looked like a man about to face a firing squad, assembling his manhood for one last act of defiance.
'I may have to denounce you myself,' Narmonov said. 'I will understand, Andrushka,' Vaneyev replied, his voice laden with dignity.
'I would prefer not to do this. I need you, Ilya. I need your counsel. If I can save your place, I will.'
'I can ask for no more than that.' It was time to build the man back up. Narmonov stood and walked around his desk to take his friend's hand. 'Whatever they tell you, agree to it without reservation. When the time comes, you will show them what kind of man you are.'
'As will you, Andrey.'
Narmonov walked him to the door. He had another five minutes till his next scheduled appointment. His day was full of economic matters, decisions that came to him because of indecision in men with ministerial rank, seeking him for his blessing as though from the village priest? As though I don't have troubles enough, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union told himself. He spent his five minutes counting votes. It should have been easier for him than for his American counterpart-in the Soviet Union only full Politburo members had the right to vote, and there were only thirteen of them-but each man represented a collection of interests, and Narmonov was asking each of them to do things never before contemplated. In the final analysis, power still
