29. Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 56.
30. Gitlin, Sixties, p. 283.
31. The Port Huron Statement, in Takin' It to the Streets: A Sixties Reader, ed. Alexander Bloom and Wini Breines (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 61; Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Avalon, 2005), pp. 97, 52; Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discontents, pp. 229, 233.
32. Gitlin, Sixties, p. 101; Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 173, 174. See also W. J. Rorabaugh, Berkeley at War: The 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 8; Tom Wells, The War Within: America's Battle Over Vietnam (New York: Holt, 1994), pp. 117-18, 427; Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left (New York: Basic Books, 1987), pp. 196- 97.
33. Gitlin, Sixties, p. 107; Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets, p. 291.
34. Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discontents, p. 235. See also Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976), pp. 300-5.
35. Walter Laqueur, 'Reflections on Youth Movements,' Commentary, June 1969.
36. Jay W. Baird, 'Goebbels, Horst Wessel, and the Myth of Resurrection and Return,' Journal of Contemporary History 17, no. 4 (Oct. 1982), p. 636.
37. Ibid., pp. 642-43.
38. Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets, p. 102.
39. Gitlin, Sixties, pp. 359-60; Tom Hayden, Reunion: A Memoir (New York: Collier, 1989), p. 247; Henry Raymont, 'Violence as a Weapon of Dissent Is Debated at Forum in 'Village' Moderation Criticized,' New York Times, Dec. 17, 1967, p. 16; Tom Hayden, 'Two, Three, Many Columbias,' Ramparts, June 15, 1968, p. 40, in America in the Sixties — Right, Left, and Center: A Documentary History, ed. Peter B. Levy (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), pp. 231-33. See also Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets, p. 292.
40. Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets, p. 310; Jeff Lyon, 'The World Is Still Watching after the 1968 Democratic Convention, Nothing in Chicago Was Quite the Same Again,' Chicago Tribune Magazine, July 24, 1988. See also James W. Ely Jr., 'The Chicago Conspiracy Case,' in American Political Trials, ed. Michael R. Belknap (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1994), p. 248; Tom Hayden, Rebellion and Repression (New York: World, 1969), p. 15. For the recollections of the defendants and defense attorneys, see 'Lessons of the '60s,' American Bar Association Journal 73 (May 1987), pp. 32-38.
41. Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York (New York: Basic Books, 2001), p. 243.
42. Gitlin, Sixties, pp. 399, 401.
43. Ibid., pp. 399, 400. This account, as well as many of the accounts in this chapter, is derived from ibid. as well as Miller's Democracy Is in the Streets.
44. Gitlin, Sixties, p. 399. Dohrn spent a decade in hiding after her involvement in the 'Days of Rage' assault on Chicago, where she now works as the director of the Children and Family Justice Center at Northwestern University. In 1993 she told the New York Times, 'I was shocked at the anger toward me.' She blamed part of the reaction to sexism — because she refused to behave like a 'good girl.' Susan Chira, 'At Home With: Bernardine Dohrn; Same Passion, New Tactics,' New York Times, Nov. 18, 1993, sec. C, p. 1.
45. The Nazis were pranksters of a sort as well. When All Quiet on the Western Front opened in Germany, Goebbels bought up huge numbers of tickets, ordering his storm troopers to heckle the movie and then release hundreds of white mice into the theater.
46. Abbie Hoffman, The Best of Abbie Hoffman (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1990), p. 62; Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets, pp. 285-86; Gitlin, Sixties, p. 324.
47. Richard Jensen, 'Futurism and Fascism,' History Today 45, no. 11 (Nov. 1995), pp. 35-41.
48. Wolin, Seduction of Unreason, p. 62.
49. Gold believed that an 'agency of the people' would have to take over the United States once imperialism had been dismantled. When someone said his idea sounded like a John Bircher's worst dream, Gold replied, 'Well, if it will take fascism, we'll have to have fascism.' Gitlin, Sixties, p. 399.
50. I vote for the Democratic Party
They want the UN to be strong
I attend all the Pete Seeger concerts,
He sure gets me singing those songs.
And I'll send all the money you ask for
But don't ask me to come along.
So love me, love me, love me —
I'm a liberal.
(Gitlin, Sixties, p. 183.)
51. Saul D. Alinsky, Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals (New York: Vintage, 1972), pp. 120-21.
52. Ibid., p. 21.
53. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism, p. 17.
54. Jay Nordlinger, 'Che Chic,' National Review, Dec. 31, 2004, p. 28.
55. Paul Berman, 'The Cult of Che,' Slate, Sept. 24, 2004, www.slate.com/id/2107100/ (accessed March 15, 2007); Nordlinger, 'Che Chic,' p. 28.
56. Lumumba, contrary to what I was taught in school, was assassinated not by the CIA but by opposing Congolese forces in a nasty civil war (though the CIA did have a plan in the works to get rid of him). He was handed over to his enemies by his former handpicked chief of staff Mobutu Sese Seko, who eventually took over the country and became a fascistic dictator whose ruthlessness didn't dissaude the American left, particularly the black left, from making him into a Pan-African hero.
57. Jean-Paul Sartre, preface to The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove, 1963), p. 22; Gitlin, Sixties, p. 344.
58. When the black fascisti took over Straight Hall, one desperate parent called campus security. The first question the security dispatcher asked the man was whether the perpetrators were white or black. When the father responded they were black, 'I was told that there was nothing that could be done for us.' Regarding black students and SAT scores, Thomas Sowell writes: 'Most of the black students admitted to Cornell had SAT scores above the national average — but far below the averages of other Cornell students. They were in trouble because they were at Cornell — and, later, Cornell would also be in trouble because they were
