there...[S]ome academically able black applicants for admission were known to have been turned away, while those who fit the stereotype being sought were admitted with lower qualifications.' See Thomas Sowell, 'The Day Cornell Died,' Weekly Standard, May 3, 1999, p. 31. Also see Berns, 'Assault on the Universities.'
59. Michael T. Kaufman, 'Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57,' New York Times, Nov. 16, 1998.
60. D'Souza, End of Racism, pp. 398-99. See also W. E. B. DuBois, 'Back to Africa,' Century, Feb. 1923, cited by John Henrik Clarke, ed., Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa (New York: Vintage, 1974), pp. 101, 117, 134; John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), pp. 132-34. Today, much like in the 1960s, Black Nationalist groups, journals, and 'intellectuals' frequently find common cause with white supremacists. The Third World Press, run by the Black Nationalist Haki Madhubuti, typically bars white authors but makes allowances for such anti-Semitic scribblers as Michael Bradley, whose theories about the Jews are perfectly consistent with The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
61. For the Forman quotation, see Nina J. Easton, 'America the Enemy,' Los Angeles Times Magazine, June 18, 1995, p. 8. Chavis was released after the governor of North Carolina caved to international pressure — including from the Soviet Union — alleging an unfair trial.
62. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism, p. 7.
63. Morris L. Fried, 'The Struggle Is the Message: The Organization and Ideology of the Anti-war Movement, by Irving Louis Horowitz,' Contemporary Sociology 1, no. 2 (March 1972), pp. 122-23, citing Irving Louis Horowitz, The Struggle Is the Message: The Organization and Ideology of the Anti- war Movement (Berkeley, Calif.: Glendessary, 1970), pp. 122-23.
64. Seymour Martin Lipset, Rebellion in the University (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), p. 115; Robert Soucy, 'French Fascist Intellectuals in the 1930s: An Old New Left?' French Historical Studies (Spring 1974).
6. FROM KENNEDY'S MYTH TO JOHNSON'S DREAM: LIBERAL FASCISM AND THE CULT OF THE STATE
1. Max Holland, 'After Thirty Years: Making Sense of the Assassination,' Reviews in American History 22, no. 2 (June 1994), pp. 192-93; 'Chapter II — or Finis?' Time, Dec. 30, 1966; Philip Chalk, 'Wrong from the Beginning,' Weekly Standard, March 14, 2005; Mimi Swartz, 'Them's Fightin' Words,' Texas Monthly, July 2004.
2. 'Pope Paul Warns That Hate and Evil Imperil Civil Order,' New York Times, Nov. 25, 1963, p. 1; Wayne King, 'Dallas Still Wondering: Did It Help Pull the Trigger?' New York Times, Nov. 22, 1983, p. A24. The 'city of hate' designation remains one of the more bizarre episodes in American mass psychology. It seemed to be pegged largely to the rough treatment LBJ got in his home state from some protesting Republican women during the 1960 election, as well as an anti-UN protest in 1963 that resulted in Adlai Stevenson — then the U.S. ambassador to the UN — getting bonked on the head with an anti-UN placard.
3. Warren Commission, The Warren Commission Report: Report of the President's Commission on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy (New York: St. Martin's, 1992), p. 416.
4. On MacBird, see Arthur Herman, Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator (New York: Free Press, 2000), p. 13. Kennedy requested $52.3 billion in military spending plus an additional $1.2 billion for the space program — which he indisputably saw as a defense-related investment — out of a total budget of $106.8 billion. Derek Leebaert, The Fifty-Year Wound: How America's Cold War Victory Shapes Our World (Boston: Little, Brown, 2003), p. 267; Aaron L. Friedberg, In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 140.
5. Steven F. Hayward, The Age of Reagan: The Fall of the Old Liberal Order, 1964- 1980 (Roseville, Calif.: Prima, 2001), p. 23; Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam, 1993), pp. 136-37. Kennedy's reaction to the Freedom Rides in the spring of 1961 was hardly unequivocal. He did the right thing by offering federal resources to stem the violence, but he was privately furious with the Congress of Racial Equality for creating strife while he was trying to focus on the Vienna summit with Khrushchev. 'Can't you get your friends off those goddamned buses?' he implored Harris Wofford, his civil rights adviser. 'Stop them,' he pleaded. He and Bobby also fought hard to prevent Martin Luther King's March on Washington. When they failed, they worked closely with civil rights leaders to spin the message of the famous rally in the administration's favor. What became the 1964 Civil Rights Act was hopelessly bogged down in Congress when Kennedy was murdered, and it's unlikely that he would have pressed for its passage in his reelection campaign.
6. The Camelot appellation hangs on some fairly fragile hooks. Jackie Kennedy recalled that her husband liked the soundtrack to the popular Broadway musical Camelot, which had opened a month after Kennedy's election. Theodore White, a Kennedy chronicler, convinced Life magazine to run with the idea. The musical's tagline, 'for that brief shining moment,' became an overnight cliche to describe Kennedy's 'thousand days,' itself a clever bit of wordplay designed to make the Kennedy moment seem all the more precious and fleeting. See also James Reston, 'What Was Killed Was Not Only the President but the Promise,' New York Times Magazine, Nov. 15, 1964, p. SM24.
7. It's widely believed that the character of Superman was inspired by Nietzsche's doctrine of the Ubermensch, which can be translated as both 'overman' and 'superman.' But it's worth noting that the actual character was an inversion of the Nietzschean idea — and the Nazified concept. Nietzsche's superman owes no loyalty to conventional morality and legalisms because he is above such petty concerns. The comic Superman bound himself to such customs even more than normal men. There is a certain nationalistic conceit to the character in that he was born in the American heartland and imbibed all that was good of Americanism. But this manifested itself in benign or beneficial patriotism more than anything else.
At the end of the issue on physical fitness, Superman and Supergirl lead a parade of Americans waving flags and holding signs supporting the president. One marcher carries a placard that reads, 'OBSERVE THE PRESIDENT'S PHYSICAL FITNESS PROGRAM AND THE 'WEAKLING' AMERICANS WILL BE THE STRONG AMERICANS!' The comic was supposed to appear in early 1964, but the assassination postponed it. LBJ eventually asked DC Comics to run the issue as a tribute. Kennedy remained a recurring character after his death. In one comic Jimmy Olsen travels to the future and identifies alien villains because they are the only people who didn't observe a moment of silence for the slain president. See http://www.dialbforblog.com/archives/166/ for images from the comic and commentary (accessed July 10, 2007).
8. The election would decide, Mailer wrote, 'if the desire of America was for drama or stability, for adventure or monotony.' Mailer hoped Americans would choose Kennedy 'for his mystery, for his promise that the country would grow or disintegrate by the unwilling charge he gave to the intensity of the myth.' Norman Mailer, 'Superman Comes to the Supermarket,' Esquire, Nov. 1960, in Pols: Great Writers on American Politicians from Bryan to Reagan, ed. Jack Beatty (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), p. 292.
9. Herbert S. Parmet, 'The Kennedy Myth and American Politics,' History Teacher 24, no. 1 (Nov. 1990), p. 32, citing 'What JFK Meant to Us,' Newsweek, Nov. 28, 1983, p. 72; Jonah Goldberg, ''Isolationism!' They Cried,' National Review, April 10, 2006, p. 35; Alan McConnaughey, 'America First: Attitude Emerged Before World War II,' Washington Times, Dec. 12, 1991, p. A3.
10. Louis Menand, 'Ask Not, Tell Not: Anatomy of an Inaugural' New Yorker, Nov. 8, 2004, p. 110.
11. John W. Jeffries, 'The 'Quest for National Purpose' of 1960,' American Quarterly 30, no. 4 (Autumn 1978), p. 451, citing John K. Jessup et al., The National Purpose (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), p. v. Newsweek had noted the previous year that 'thoughtful men' were worried America had lost its 'boldness and imagination, the sense of mission and dedication.' Chief among these was Walter Lippmann, an elder statesman of liberalism who had led the march to
