23, 2005.
37. Lewis S. Feuer, 'American Travelers to the Soviet Union, 1917-32: The Formation of a Component of New Deal Ideology,' American Quarterly 14, no. 2, pt. 1 (Summer 1962), pp. 122, 126.
38. William E. Leuchtenburg, The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), p. 284. A. J. P. Taylor made a similar observation about people's interaction with the federal government:
Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state beyond the post office and the policeman...He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter a foreigner could spend his life in the country without permit and without informing the police...All this was changed by the impact of the Great War...The state established a hold over its citizens which though relaxed in peace time, was never to be removed and which the Second World War was again to increase. The history of the English people and the English State merged for the first time. (A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914-1945 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1965], p. 1)
39. Quoted in Scott Yenor, 'A New Deal for Roosevelt,' Claremont Review of Books (Winter 2006).
40. Thurman Arnold, The Folklore of Capitalism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1937), p. 389.
41. Leuchtenburg, FDR Years, p. 20.
42. Walter Winchell, 'Americans We Can Do Without,' Liberty, Aug. 1, 1942, p. 10.
43. See Sam Tanenhaus, Whittaker Chambers: A Biography (New York: Random House, 1997), pp. 179, 561.
44. Herbert McClosky, 'Conservatism and Personality,' American Political Science Review 52, no. 1 (March 1958), p. 35; Lionel Trilling, The Liberal Imagination: Essays on Literature and Society (New York: Viking, 1950), p. ix.
45. David S. Brown, Richard Hofstadter: An Intellectual Biography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 90; Casey Blake and Christopher Phelps, 'History as Social Criticism: Conversations with Christopher Lasch,' Journal of American History 80, no. 4 (March 1994), pp. 1310-32.
46. Bertolt Brecht, 'The Solution,' in Poems, 1913-1956, ed. John Willett and Ralph Manheim (New York: Routledge, 1987), p. 440.
47. Robert Dallek, Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 29; Jordan A. Schwarz, The New Dealers: Power Politics in the Age of Roosevelt (New York: Vintage, 1994), p. 276.
48. Schwarz, The New Dealers, p. 267.
49. Lyndon B. Johnson, 'Commencement Address — the Great Society,' University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, May 22, 1964, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson, 1963- 64 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1965), pp. 704-7; America in the Sixties — Right, Left, and Center: A Documentary History, ed. Peter B. Levy (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), pp. 106-7. See also Hayward, Age of Reagan, p. 21.
50. Johnson, 'Commencement Address — the Great Society,' p. 108.
51. Charles Mohr, 'Johnson, in South, Decries 'Radical' Goldwater Ideas,' New York Times, Oct. 27, 1964; Cabell Phillips, 'Johnson Decries Terrorist Foes of Negro Rights,' New York Times, July 19, 1964; 'Transcript of President's News Conference on Foreign and Domestic Affairs,' New York Times, July 19, 1964.
52. Charles Mohr, 'Johnson Exhorts Voters to Reject Demagogic Pleas,' New York Times, Sept. 23, 1964; advertisement, New York Times, Sept. 12, 1964, p. 26; Ralph D. Barney and John C. Merrill, eds., Ethics and the Press: Readings in Mass Media Morality (New York: Hastings House, 1975), p. 229. See also Jack Shafer, 'The Varieties of Media Bias, Part 1,' Slate, Feb. 5, 2003, www.slate.com/id/2078200/ (accessed March 19, 2007); Jonah Goldberg, 'Hold the Self-Congratulation,' National Review, Oct. 24, 2005; Jeffrey Lord, 'From God to Godless: The Real Liberal Terror,' American Spectator, June 12, 2006, www.spectator.org/dsp_article.asp?art_id=9943 (accessed Jan. 16, 2007).
53. However, in this work Dewey called the existing society the Great Society. He hoped that the state could transform the Great Society into what he called the 'Great Community.' But Dewey's Great Community sounds much closer to what Johnson had in mind with his Great Society.
54. Robert R. Semple Jr., 'Nation Seeks Way to Better Society,' New York Times, July 25, 1965.
55. Dewey, Liberalism and Social Action, pp. 15, 76. The lineage of the War on Poverty was similarly transparent. Just as the New Deal was sold in the language of war, the War on Poverty was another chapter in the Progressive effort to invoke the 'moral equivalent of war.' Indeed, most of the Great Society programs were merely greatly expanded versions of New Deal programs, such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children, which started as an insurance plan for the widows of coal miners. Those programs, in turn, were born out of a desire to re-create the 'successes' of Wilson's war socialism. See also the chapter on John Dewey by Robert Horwitz, in The History of Political Philosophy, ed. Leo Strauss and Joseph Cropsey (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
56. McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform, p. 207.
57. John B. Judis, 'The Spirit of '68: What Really Caused the Sixties,' New Republic, Aug. 31, 1998.
58. The Feminine Mystique is an excellent example of how powerfully the Holocaust had distorted the liberal mind. A longtime communist journalist and activist, Friedan cast herself in The Feminine Mystique as a conventional housewife completely ignorant of politics. In a disturbing extended metaphor she argued that housewives were victims of Nazi-like oppression. The 'women who 'adjust' as housewives, who grow up wanting to be 'just a housewife,' are in as much danger as the millions who walked to their own death in the concentration camps,' she wrote. The home, Friedan wrote in direct echoes of Horkheimer, was a 'comfortable concentration camp.' The analogy is sufficiently grotesque, intellectually and morally, to merit further dissection.
59. This in turn led to another front of the great awakening: a fight to religious orthodoxy among Christian conservatives and others who rejected the politicization of their faiths.
60. For many, drugs became the new sacrament. After the New Left imploded, Tom Hayden went into hiding 'among the psychedelic daredevils of the counterculture,' believing that drugs were a way of 'deepening self awareness' and helping him to find spiritual meaning and authenticity. Even the most ardent exponents of the drug culture grounded their defense of drugs in explicitly religious terms. Self-proclaimed gurus such as Timothy Leary, a Harvard professor who became a 'spiritual guide' with tabs of acid as his Communion wafers, spoke incessantly about how drugs lead to a 'religious experience.' William Braden, a reporter for the Chicago Sun- Times, wrote The Private Sea: LSD and the Search for God, one of countless books and tracts that tried to update the new counterculture with the 'New Theology,' as it was called.
61. William Braden, 'The Seduction of the Spirit,' Washington Post, Sept. 9, 1973, pp. BW1, BW13.
62. The Reverend Martin Marty, an academic theologian and editor at the Christian Century, proclaimed in a series of speeches in 1965 that the radicals were 'moral agents' and described writers such as James Baldwin as 'charismatic prophets.' Marty made these remarks at a speech at Columbia University. In response, a student radical challenged him: 'What you say is meaningless because the Great Society is basically immoral and rotten.' Marty responded that such comments were typical of those who chose to be 'morally pure' instead of politically relevant. In other words, moral purity lay at the radicals' end of the political spectrum. 'Radicals Called 'Moral Agents,'' New York Times, July 26, 1965, p.
