authors believed that literature should be free from outside control, but were generally sympathetic to the goals of the revolution. Others, perhaps less favorably inclined toward the Bolsheviks but nonetheless counted as fellow travelers, were Boris Pilnyak, Isaac Babel, and Mikhail Bulgakov.
By the late 1920s, fellow travelers were coming under increasing pressure from groups claiming to represent the proletariat, such as the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers (RAPP). In 1932, all independent organizations for writers and artists disappeared and the Writers’ Union was created. Fellow travelers were required to either join the union and follow its rules or stop publishing.
By the end of 1920s, the term “fellow traveler” had been taken up in other countries as a designation for people sympathetic to the Soviet Union and especially for intellectuals who publicly expressed support for Stalin. Romain Rolland and George Bernard Shaw, for instance, praised the Soviet Union and saw it as a real alternative to western political systems. In the post-World War II era, “fellow traveler” became a term of derision, applied by conservatives to people who were communists in all but party affiliation. Albert Einstein, for example, was called a “dupe and a fellow traveler” by Time magazine in 1949 for his outspoken belief in socialism. See also: CULTURAL REVOLUTION; RUSSIAN ASSOCIATION OF PROLETARIAN WRITERS; SERAPION BROTHERS; UNION OF SOVIET WRITERS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Canute, David. (1988). The Fellow-Travellers: Intellectual Friends of Communism. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Maguire, Robert. (1987). Red Virgin Soil: Soviet Literature in the 1920s. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Feminism in Russia first developed during the 1850s, following the disastrous Crimean War and the accession of Alexander II. At a time of political ferment over the nation’s future, an intense debate arose within educated society over the dependent status of women and inherited assumptions about their capacities and their roles. The idea of women’s emancipation was readily linked to peasant emancipation, plans for which were being publicly debated during these years. If one section of the population-enserfed peasants-could be liberated, why not women too, half the human race? Many activists in the women’s movement over the next half-century pinpointed the 1850s and 1860s as the moment when women first challenged their own subordinate legal status, inferior education, exclusion from all but menial paid employment, and vulnerability to sexual exploitation, as well as the complex web of convention and sanction that restricted their everyday lives. A number of women writers-and some radical male writers-had already addressed these themes a generation earlier, but always as individuals. It was only during the 1850s that a women’s movement, dedicated to change, could coalesce.
Unlike women in many western countries, Russian upper- and middle-class women kept their property upon marriage and were not forced into financial dependence on their husbands. However, even propertied women were disadvantaged by inferior inheritance rights; despite their financial autonomy, the law required that they obey their husbands and live in the marital home unless given formal permission to leave. In an abusive marriage a woman could apply to the courts for legal separation, but this was a tortuous process and available only to the relatively well-to-do. The vast majority of Russian women in this period were peasants; before 1861 many were serfs. Even after peasant emancipation their status in the family was subordinate, particularly as young women. They were valued in the village for their ability to work- in the fields and in the household-and to produce and raise children. Few had time to think about the possibilities of an alternative life or about their own lack of rights or status. It was feminists and female radicals who first set out to improve women’s personal rights and establish their legal and actual autonomy, though the prevailing social conservatism on gender issues and the extreme limitations on political campaigning impeded any meaningful legislative change until the last years of tsarist rule.
Feminist ideas in Russia were inspired not only by social and political change at home, but equally by the emerging women’s movement in the West (particularly North America, Britain, and France) in this period. Russian feminists established lasting contacts with their western counterparts and read western literature on the “woman question.” Most considered themselves “westernizers” rather than “slavophiles” in the contemporary political- cultural controversy over Russia and its future. The word “feminism” itself was rarely used in Russia or elsewhere, and even when it gained wider currency toward the end of the century, it most often had a pejorative connotation, both for conservative and radical opponents of reformist women’s movements, and for feminists too. Before 1905 they called themselves “activists in the women’s movement” (deyatelnitsy zhenskogo dvizheniya). During the 1905 Revolution, when the movement was politicized, the most uncompromising became “equal-righters” (ravnopravki), emphasizing the struggle for social equality overall, not just for women. After 1917 feminist activists either emigrated or were silenced, and for the entire Soviet period feminism was branded a “bourgeois deviation.”
RADICAL ALTERNATIVES TO FEMINISM
Like feminists, revolutionary women and men espoused sexual equality. But they fiercely rejected feminism, insisting that women’s liberation must be part of a wider social revolution. Feminists, they claimed, based their appeal to women by driving a wedge between men and women of the oppressed classes struggling for their rights. Feminists denied the radical claim that they were motivated only by their own “selfish” ends, and saw themselves working for Russia’s “renewal” and “regeneration,” for the betterment of the whole population.
Although a socialist women’s movement developed in Russia (as elsewhere) around 1900, both populist and Marxist revolutionary groups were antagonistic to separate work among women, and only well after 1900 was it possible for Bolshevik women (such as Alexandra Kollontai, Inessa Ar-mand, and Nadezhdaya Krupskaya, Lenin’s wife) to address women’s issues specifically within their party organization. Though dubbed a “Bolshevik feminist” by later western historians, Kollontai herself was one of the most outspoken critics of reformist feminism-and the very concept of femi-nism-before and after 1917.
FEMINISM
Soviet communism declared gender equality, as celebrated in this 1961 postcard, reading “Glory to Soviet Women!” © RYKOFF COLLECTION/CORBIS
Disagreements between feminist reformers and radicals were present from the beginning. At first these conflicts were more over lifestyle than politics. Reformers observed existing social codes (dress, comportment, family obligations, respectability). Many, though not all, came from well-to-do gentry backgrounds and had no need to earn a living. Radicals, often of gentry origin too, were in conscious revolt against family and social propriety. They wore cropped hair and simple, unadorned clothing, smoked in public, and called themselves “nihilists” (nigilistki). Whether in financial need or not (many were), nihilists joined urban “communes,” or set up their own. For a few years there was some contact (including individual friendships) between nihilists and feminists, focusing on attempts to set up an employment bureau for women and cooperative workshops providing employment and essential skills for themselves and other women. This collaboration foundered during the mid-1860s; within a few years many nihilist women had moved into illegal populist groups whose aim was the liberation of the “Russian people,” the narod. In their own estimation, by the early 1870s the radicals had left the “woman question” behind.
FEMINIST CAMPAIGNING
The reformers were dedicated to working within the system. They raised petitions, lobbied ministers, and exploited personal connections to reach influential figures, many of them already sympathetic to feminist ideas. Of necessity, they focused on philanthropy and higher education. Philanthropy was the one form of public activity then open to women, an acknowledged extension of their “caring” role within the family. It aimed both to encourage self-sufficiency in the beneficiaries and to give their organizers practical experience of public administration. Feminist philanthropists ran their enterprises, as far as was possible, democratically and with minimal regulation. Most successful was a Society to Provide Cheap Lodgings (founded in 1861 and by 1880 a major charity) in St. Petersburg. Another society provided refuges for poor women. A major feminist preoccupation, particularly important in a rapidly urbanizing society, was to provide poorer women with alternatives to prostitution.
Campaigns for higher education were a new departure, but still within a familiar realm- woman as educator of her children-a role that became increasingly important in Russia’s drive to “modernize.” Feminists received
