of his anger at his colleagues-turned-tormentors, but his deep sense of guilt at his complicity in Stalin’s crimes. By the very end of his life, to judge by a Kremlin doctor’s recollections, he was even losing faith in the cause of socialism.
After his death, Khrushchev became a “non-person” in the USSR, his name suppressed by his successors and ignored by most Soviet citizens until the late 1980s, when his record received a burst of attention in connection with Gorbachev’s new round of reform. Khrushchev’s legacy, like his life, is remarkably mixed. Perhaps his most long- lasting bequest is the way his efforts at de-Stalinization, awkward and erratic though they were, prepared the ground for the reform and then the collapse of the Soviet Union. See also: BREZHNEV, LEONID ILICH; COLD WAR; CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS; DE-STALINIZATION; STALIN, JOSEF VIS-SARIONOVICH; THAW, THE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Breslauer, George. (1982). Khrushchev and Brezhnev as Leaders: Building Authority in Soviet Politics. Boston: Allen and Unwin. Khrushchev, Nikita S. (1970). Khrushchev Remembers, tr. and ed. Strobe Talbott. Boston: Little, Brown. Khrushchev, Nikita S. (1974). Khrushchev Remembers: The Last Testament, tr. and ed. Strobe Talbott. Boston: Little, Brown. Khrushchev, Nikita S. (1990). Khrushchev Remembers: The Glasnost Tapes, tr. and ed. Jerrold L. Schecter with Vyacheslav Luchkov. Boston: Little, Brown. Khrushchev, Sergei. (1990). Khrushchev on Khrushchev, tr. and ed. William Taubman. Boston: Little, Brown. Khrushchev, Sergei N. (2000). Nikita Khrushchev and the Creation of a Superpower, tr. Shirley Benson. University Park: Penn State University Press. Medvedev, Roy. (1983). Khrushchev, tr. Brian Pearce. Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor. Taubman, William. (2003). Khrushchev: The Man and His Era. New York: W. W. Norton. Taubman, William; Khrushchev, Sergei; and Gleason Abbott, eds. (2000). Nikita Khrushchev. New Haven: Yale University Press. Tompson, William J. (1995). Khrushchev: A Political Life. New York. St. Martin’s.
WILLIAM TAUBMAN
Although there were proposals dating from the early 1890s to establish small-scale farming based on the establishment of the khutor, it was not until the 1911 Stolypin rural reforms that the khutor came into existence as part of the land settlement provisions for “individual enclosures.” The khutor lasted for three decades before it was eliminated by the Soviets. In contrast to the long-standing system of land ownership under which farms were held and worked in common by an entire village,
under the Stolypin reforms an individual could now own a plot of land on which was also located his house and farm buildings. This totally self-contained farm unit was the khutor.
Never important as an agricultural institution either under the tsars or during the Soviet period, khutors, along with the closely related otrub (where only the farmland was enclosed), accounted for less than 8 percent of total farm output at its height before the Bolshevik Revolution and for a mere 3.5 percent of all peasant land as of January 1, 1927. Only in the northwest and western parts of the Russian Republic were khutors an important part of peasant agriculture-11 percent and 19 percent of all households, respectively.
Before collectivization in 1929, there were two forces causing the number of khutors to fluctuate in number. On the one hand, as a result of the revolution and the civil war that followed, many of the khutors once again became part of a communal mir. But, on the other hand, the 1922 Land Code permitted peasants to leave the mir, and in some places peasants were encouraged to create khutors. As a consequence, the number of khutors increased in the western provinces as well as the central industrial region of Russia.
In spite of its relative numerical unimportance, the khutor remained a thorn in the side of the Soviet leadership, who rightly saw the often prosperous khutor as inconsistent with the larger effort to socialize Soviet agriculture. The khutor, which existed alongside collective farm agriculture in the 1930s, was finally dissolved at the end of the decade. All peasant homes located on the khutors were to be destroyed by September 1, 1940, without compensation to the peasants who lived in them. Nearly 450,000 rural households were transferred to the collective farm villages. The khutor as a form of private agriculture in Russia became extinct. See also: COLLECTIVIZATION OF AGRICULTURE; MIR; PEASANT ECONOMY; STOLYPIN, PETER ARKADIEVICH
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Danilov, V. P. (1988). Rural Russia under the New Regime. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Fitzpatrick, Sheila. (1994). Stalin’s Peasants: Resistance and Survival in the Russian Village after Collectivization. New York: Oxford University Press.
The Kievan Caves Patericon is a monastic collection of tales about monks of the Caves Monastery of Kiev. It reflects the rich monastic practice and theology of the learned monks of the Kievan Caves Monastery. The core of the patericon is the epistolary works of Bishop Simon of Vladimir-Suzdal, a former Caves monk, and the monk Polikarp, to whom Simon addresses an epistle and accompanying stories, written between 1225 and his death in 1226. Ostensibly, Simon writes to Polikarp because he is appalled at the latter’s ambition for a see and feels he must instruct him to remain in the holy Monastery of the Caves. Attempting to convince Po-likarp to stay at the Caves, Simon attaches nine stories to his letter, which are intended to illustrate the holiness of the monastery and its inhabitants. There is no recorded response to Bishop Simon, but sometime prior to 1240, Polikarp wrote to his superior, the archimandrite Akindin, and attached to his brief missal eleven tales recounting the exploits of thirteen more monks.
To this core were added in various editions a number of disparate works associated with the Caves Monastery, including the Life of Theodosius. It is not clear when the collection began to be called a patericon (paterik), a word used to designate a number of Byzantine monastic collections translated into Slavic, but this title was not used in the oldest extant manuscript, the Berseniev Witness, which was copied in 1406 at the request of Bishop Arseny of Tver. A printed version appeared in 1661, which, though seriously flawed, was apparently quite popular, as it was reprinted many times up to the nineteenth century. See also: CAVES MONASTERY; KIEVAN RUS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fedotov, George P. (1965). The Russian Religious Mind. New York: Harper Torchbooks. The Paterik of the Kievan Caves Monastery. (1989). Tr. and intro. Muriel Heppell. Cambridge, MA, Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute.
Kievan Rus, the first organized state located on the lands of modern Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus, was
ruled by members of the Rurikid dynasty and centered around the city of Kiev from the mid-ninth century to 1240. Its East Slav, Finn, and Balt population dwelled in territories along the Dnieper, the Western Dvina, the Lovat-Volkhov, and the upper Volga rivers. Its component peoples and territories were bound together by common recognition of the Rurikid dynasty as their rulers and, after 988, by formal affiliation with the Christian Church, headed by the metropolitan based at Kiev. Kievan Rus was destroyed by the Mongol invasions of 1237-1240. The Kievan Rus era is considered a formative stage in the histories of modern Ukraine and Russia.
The process of the formation of the state is the subject of the Normanist controversy. Normanists stress the role of Scandinavian Vikings as key agents in the creation of the state. Their view builds upon archeological evidence of Scandinavian adventurers and travelling merchants in the region of northwestern Russia and the upper Volga from the eighth century. It also draws upon an account in the Primary Chronicle, compiled during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, which reports that in 862, Slav and Finn tribes in the vicinity of the Lo-vat and Volkhov rivers invited Rurik, a Varangian Rus, and his brothers to bring order to their lands. Rurik and his descendants are regarded as the founders of the Rurikid dynasty that ruled Kievan Rus. Anti-Normanists discount the role of Scandinavians as founders of the state. They argue that the term Rus refers to the Slav tribe of Polyane, which dwelled in the region of Kiev, and that the Slavs themselves organized their own political structure.
According to the Primary Chronicle, Rurik’s immediate successors were Oleg (r. 879 or 882 to 912), identified
