See also Peter Padfield, Himmler. Reichsfuhrer-SS, London, 1991, 238.
5. The term ‘Reichs kristallnacht’ was an ironic reference, alluding not simply to the amount of broken crystal-glass littering the streets in the centre of Berlin and other cities, but also to the obvious orchestration of the destruction from above, despite the propaganda line that there had been a spontaneous outburst of the people’s anger against the Jews (Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 35).
6. Fundamental studies are those of Helmut Genschel, Die Verdrangung der Juden aus der Wirtschaft im Dritten Reich, Gottingen, 1966; and Avraham Barkai, Vom Boykott zur ‘Entjudung’. Der wirtschaftliche Existenzkampf der Juden im Dritten Reich 1933–1943, Frankfurt am Main, 1987. See also Avraham Barkai, ‘Schicksalsjahr 1938’, in Walter H. Pehle (ed.), Der Judenpogrom 1938. Von der ‘Reichskristallnacht’ zum Volkermord, Frankfurt am Main, 1988, 94–117, 220–24; and Gunter Plum, ‘Wirtschaft und Erwerbsleben’, in Wolfgang Benz (ed.), Die Juden in Deutschland 1933– 1945. Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft, Munich, 1988, 268–313.
7. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 170.
8. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 171–5.
9. IMG, xxvii, 163.
10. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 171; Peter Hanke, Zur Geschichte der Juden in Munchen zwischen 1933 und 1945, Munich, 1967, 204–5; Baruch Z. Ophir and Falk Wiesemann (eds.), Die judischen Gemeinden in Bayern 1918–1945. Geschichte und Zerstorung, Munich, 1979, 50.
11. Ophir and Wiesemann, 211; Fritz Nadler, Eine Stadt im Schatten Streichers, Nuremberg, 1969, 8–10, and Bild 2.
12. Gordon, 153.
13. Bankier, ‘Hitler’, 8.
14. Examples include pressure from He? to include Mischlinge (part-Jews) in the discriminatory legislation, demands from the NS Lawyers’League (NS-Rechtswahrerbund) to exclude Jewish lawyers, and the successful complaint by the Reich Doctors’ Leader Gerhard Wagner to Hitler that Jewish doctors were still allowed to practise in Germany. (Adam, Judenpolitik 167–70; Bankier, ‘Hitler’, 15; Wildt, 45; Longerich, Hitlers Stellvertreter, 214–16.)
15. See Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, (1961), Viewpoints edn, New York, 1973, 60ff.; Karl A. Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz. Nazi Policy Toward German Jews, 1933–1939, Urbana/Chicago/London, 1970,160–64, 222–3; Barkai, ‘Schicksalsjahr’, 96–109; Barkai, Boykott, ch.3; Friedlander, 243; Harold James, ‘Die Deutsche Bank und die Diktatur’, in Lothar Gall et al., Die Deutsche Bank 1870–1995, Munich, 1995, pt.II, especially 347–51.
16. Michael H. Kater, Doctors under Hitler, Chapel Hill/London, 1989, 198–201; Barkai, Boykott, 133–4.
17. Victor Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten. Tagebucher 1933– 1941, ed. Walter Nowojski and Hadwig Klemperer, (1995), 10th edn, Darmstadt, 1998, 415 (12 July 1938).
18. One poignant account, among the many, of the impact of the rapidly deteriorating conditions on a single family is that of Peter Gay, My German Question. Growing Up in Nazi Berlin, New Haven/London, 1998, here especially 119–23.
19. The role of denunciation in helping to enforce and drive on anti-Jewish policy has been examined by Robert Gellately, The Gestapo and German Society. Enforcing Racial Policy, 1933–1945, Oxford, 1990.
20. See especially, Wildt, 35ff., and Dok.9–32; also, the files relating to Eichmann’s Department II.112, in BA, R58/991–5; and Hachmeister, ch.V.
21. Tb Irving, 169–70 (23 April 1938).
22. See Magnus Brechtken, ‘Madagaskar fur die Juden’. Antisemitische Idee und politische Praxis 1885–1945, Munich, 1997, especially chs.II–III.
23. According to the SD’s figures, some 370,000 Jews still remained in the ‘Old Reich’ territory on 1 January 1938 — almost three-quarters of the recorded figure in 1933. Taking account of an estimated 200–250,000 Jews who found themselves on German territory after the annexations of Austria and the Sudetenland, there were by late summer 1938 — even taking account of the forced emigration that year — probably more Jews in Nazi hands than there had been at the time of Hitler’s takeover of power (MadR, ii.21–2, 27–9).
24. Zionists had contacted Eichmann in February 1937 in the hope of encouraging more favourable arrangements for allowing Jews to emigrate to Palestine. Feivel Polkes, an emissary of the Haganah, a Jewish underground military organization, was authorized to come to Berlin and meet Eichmann for discussions about easing restrictions on the transfer of foreign currency in order to facilitate emigration. Polkes left empty-handed, but subsequently invited Eichmann to visit the Middle East. With his superior, Herbert Hagen, Eichmann left for Palestine in early November 1937. Unrest in Palestine prevented any meeting taking place there, but Eichmann and Hagen met Polkes again in Cairo. On his return, Eichmann reported negatively to Heydrich on Polkes’s proposals for subsidizing Jewish emigration to Palestine. By then, in any case, fears in the Nazi leadership of the dangers of helping erect a Jewish state in Palestine had grown rapidly. Hitler himself had intervened to order the suspension of negotiations for further transfer agreements between Germany and Palestine. (BA, R58/954, Fols.11–66 (Hagen’s report); Schleunes, 207–11; Jochen von Lang, Das Eichmann-Protokoll. Tonbandaufzeichnungen der israelischen Verhore, Berlin, 1982, 31–5, 43–6; Wildt, 44. And see Francis R. Nicosia, The Third Reich and the Palestine Question, Austin/London, 1985.)
25. Wildt, 44.
26. Wildt, 32–3.
27. Wildt, 33.
28. Wildt, 60.
29. TBJG, I/3, 490 (25 July 1938).
30. See Christian Gerlach, ‘Die Wannsee-Konferenz, das Schicksal der deutschen Juden und Hitlers politische Grundsatzentscheidung, alle Juden Europas zu ermorden’, Werkstattgeschichte, 18 (1997), 7–44, here 27.
31. Tb Irving, 214 (25 May 1938). Economics Minister Walther Funk was brought into the discussions by Goebbels.
32. Wildt, 55–6.
33. Tb Irving, 214 (25 May 1938), 253 (2 July 1938).
34. Goebbels stated in his diary again in late July that ‘the Fuhrer approves how I am going about things (mein Vorgehen) in Berlin’ (Tb Irving, 268 (26 July 1938).
35. Wildt, 55–6.
36. TBJG, I/3, 463 (22 June 1938); Tb Irving, 246–7 and n.1; Wildt, 57.
37. Wildt, 55.
38. See Kulka, ‘Public Opinion’, xliv.
39. See Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 174.
40. Graml, Reich skristallnacht, 174; Barkai, Schicksalsjahr’, 101.
41. Wildt, 99; Kulka, ‘Public Opinion’, 274–5.
42. Graml, Reich skristallnacht, 9–12; Helmut Heiber, ‘Der Fall Grunspan’, VfZ, 5 (1957), 134–72, here 134–9; Rita Thalmann and Emmanuel Feinermann, Crystal Night: 9–10 November 1938, London, 1974, 26–42; Anthony Read and David Fisher, Kristallnacht. Unleashing the Holocaust, London, 1989, 1–6, 33–55; Lionel Kochan, Pogrom: 10 November 1938, London, 1957, 34–49. The deportation of the Polish Jews had been set in motion by the actions of the Polish government, banning the return of Polish Jews living abroad. See Sybil Milton, ‘The Expulsion of Polish Jews from Germany, October 1938 to July 1939: A Documentation’, LBYB, 29 (1984), 166–99; Sybil Milton, ‘Menschen zwischen Grenzen:
