emphasized that, in particular, well-off and healthy male Jews were to be arrested and taken to concentration camps (Patzold/Runge, 113–16).
66. TBJG, I/6, 180–81 (10 November 1938); Tb Irving, 409–10 (10 November 1938).
67. TBJG, I/6, 181 (10 November 1938); Tb Irving, 411 (10 November 1938).
68. Benz, in Pehle, 32. The ‘action’ nevertheless continued in various places until 13 November, when it eventually petered out. The ‘stop’ orders can be seen in Patzold/Runge, 127–9.
69. TBJG, I/6, 182 (11 November 1938); Tb Irving, 411 (11 November 1938).
70. TBJG, I/6, 182 (11 November 1938); Tb Irving, 411 (11 November 1938).
71. See the description, one among many, in Gay, 132–6.
72. Patzold/Runge, 136 (Heydrich’s report), but the figures are an underestimate (Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 32).
73. Gunter Fellner, ‘Der Novemberpogrom in Westosterreich’, in Kurt Schmid and Robert Streibel (eds.), Der Pogrom 1938. Judenverfolgung in Osterreich und Deutschland, Vienna, 1990, 34–41, here 39.
74. Elisabeth Klamper, ‘Der “Anschlu?pogrom”’, in Schmid and Streibel, 25–33, here 31.
75. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 32.
76. This is the compelling suggestion of Peter Loewenberg, ‘The Kristallnacht as a Public Degradation Ritual’, LBYB, 32 (1987), 309–23.
77. Monika Richarz (ed.), Judisches Leben in Deutschland. Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte 1918–1945, Stuttgart, 1982, 323–35. See also the testimony, along similar lines, provided in Loewenberg, 314.
78. See on this Loewenberg, especially 314, 321–3.
79. IMG, xxxii.27.
80. Wiener Library, London, PIId/15, 151, 749; Thomas Michel, Die Juden in Gaukonigshofenf/Unterfranken (1550–1942), Wiesbaden, 1988, 506–19.
81. See Walter Tausk, Breslauer Tagebuch 1933–1940, East Berlin, 1975, 181–2; Richarz, 326–7 (testimony of Hans Berger); Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 265.
82. Maschmann, Fazit, 58.
83. DBS, v.1204–5.
84. See Wiener Library, London, ‘Der 10. November 1938’ (typescript of collected short reports of persecuted Jews, compiled in 1939 and 1940); and see Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 265ff.
85. GStA, Munich, Reichsstatthalter 823, cit. in Ian Kershaw, ‘Antisemitismus und Volksmeinung. Reaktionen auf die Judenverfolgung’, in Martin Broszat and Elke Frohlich (eds.), Bayern in der NS-Zeit, Bd.II: Herrschaft und Gesellschaft im Konflikt, Munich, 1979, 281–348, here 332.
86. StA Amberg, BA Amberg 2399, GS Hirschau, 23 November 1938, cit. Kershaw, ‘Antisemitismus und Volksmeinung’, 333. For reactions in general of the public to the pogrom and its aftermath, see: Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 263ff.; Ian Kershaw, ‘Indifferenz des Gewissens. Die deutsche Bevolkerung und die “Reichskristallnacht”’, Blatter fur deutsche und internationale Politik, 11 (1988), 1319–30; Kulka, ‘Public Opinion’, xliii-iv, 277–86; David Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution. Public Opinion under Nazism, Oxford, 1992, 85ff.; Hans Mommsen and Dieter Obst, ‘Die Reaktion der deutschen Bevolkerung auf die Verfolgung der Juden 1933–1943’, in Hans Mommsen and Susanne Willems (eds.), Herrschaftsalltag im Dritten Reich. Studien und Texte, Dusseldorf, 1988, 374–485, here 388ff.; William S. Allen, ‘Die deutsche Offentlichkeit und die “Reichskristallnacht” — Konflikte zwischen Werthierarchie und Propaganda im Dritten Reich’, in Detlev Peukert and Jurgen Reulecke (eds.), Die Reihen fast geschlossen. Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alltags unterm Nationalsozialismus, Wuppertal, 1981, 397–411.
87. IMG, xiii.131 (Funk testimony); Adam, in Pehle, 79–80; Adam, Judenpolitik, 208.
88. IMG, ix.312–13 (Goring testimony). Goring’s account has to be treated with care (despite being followed by Adam, Judenpolitik, 208, Read/Fisher, 146, Adam, in Pehle, 80, and other accounts). It was self-servingly unreliable and inaccurate, especially with regard to alleged meetings with Hitler and Goebbels in Berlin on the afternoon of 10 November. Goring claimed to have berated Hitler as soon as the Fuhrer returned himself to Berlin, late on the morning of 10 November, about Goebbels’s irresponsibility. Hitler, Goring recalled, was equivocal. He ‘made some excuses, but agreed with me on the whole that these things should and could not happen’. This was consonant with Hitler’s continued attempts to distance himself from the events of the previous night. However, if the discussion between Goring and Hitler on 10 November took place at all, then it must have been by telephone. For, contrary to Goring’s recollection, Hitler did not return to Berlin that morning, but stayed in Munich and had lunch with Goebbels — TBJG, I/6,182 (11 November 1938). I am grateful to Karl Schleunes for alerting me to inconsistencies in Goring’s testimony.
89. IMG, ix.313–14; TBJG, I/6, 182 (11 November 1938) for the lunchtime meeting in the Osteria. For Hitler’s comments on the envisaged economic measures against Jews in the Four-Year-Plan Memorandum, see Treue, ‘Denkschrift’, VfZ, 3 (1955), 210; see also Barkai, ‘Schicksalsjahr’, in Pehle, 99.
90. Adam, Judenpolitik, 217.
91. Minutes of the meeting: IMG, xxviii.499–540 (Doc. 1816-PS); imposition of the ‘fine’, 537ff. An abbreviated version is printed in Patzold/Runge, 142–6; summaries are given in Adam, Judenpolitik, 209–11; Read/Fisher, ch.9; Schleunes, 245–50; Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 177–9.
92. Patzold-Runge, 146–8; see Adam, Judenpolitik, 209–12.
93. TBJG, I/6, 185 (13 November 1938).
94. Adam, Judenpolitik, 205; Reuth, Goebbels, 393–4; Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 176. For the affair, see Helmut Heiber, Joseph Goebbels, Berlin, 1962, 275–80. But Heiber goes too far in his speculation that this was a vital motive in Goebbels’s initiative in unleashing the pogrom.
95. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 183.
96. Gay, ch.8.
97. Konrad Kwiet and Helmut Eschwege, Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand. Deutsche Juden im Kampf um Existenz und Menschenwurde 1933–1945, Hamburg, 1984, 143.
98. Gay, 140–41.
99. Bob Moore, Refugees from Nazi Germany in the Netherlands, 1933–1940, Dordrecht, 1986, 87–8. See also Dan Michman, ‘Die judische Emigration und die niederlandische Reaktion zwischen 1933 und 1940’, in Kathinka Dittrich and Hans Wurzner (eds.), Die Niederlande und das deutsche Exil 1933–1940, Konigstein/Ts., 1982, 73–90, especially 76, 89–90.
100. Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust. The Jewish Tragedy, London, 1986, 75.
101. Friedlander, 303–4.
102. IMG, xxxii.415 (D0C.3575-PS; summary of Goring’s address to the Reich Defence Council, 18 November 1938); in the longer extracts of the minutes, in Mason, Arbeiterklasse, 907–37, here 925—6, Goring says: ‘Gentlemen. The finances look very critical… Now, through the billion that the Jews have to pay, an improvement has taken place…’
103. Adam, Judenpolitik, 213–16.
104. Muller, Heer, 385–7.
105. Nicholas Reynolds, ‘Der Fritsch-Brief vom 11. Dezember 1938’, VfZ, 28 (1980), 358–71, here 362–3, 370.
106. JK, 89 (Doc.61).
107. Adam, Judenpolitik, 228; Wildt, 60.
