43. TBJG, II/3, 319 (15 February 1942).
44. Domarus, 1842.
45. Below, 306.
46. Domarus, 1851.
47. Domarus, 1850. Hitler repeated the claim in his Reichstag speech on 26 April. In fact, the previous winter, of 1940–41, had been colder in the east (Domarus, 1871 and n.181; see also 1872 and n.183).
48. Domarus, 1850.
49. MadR, ix.3486–8 (19 March 1942); Steinert, 283–5. See also TBJG, II/3, 479 (16 March 1942), on the basis of SD reports: ‘The German people is in the main concerned with the foodstuffs situation.’ As a consequence ‘interest in military events dies away somewhat’.
50. TBJG, II/3, 488 (18 March 1942), 496 (19 March 1942).
51. TBJG, II/3, 479 (16 March 1942).
52. TBJG, II/3, 496 (19 March 1942).
53. TBJG, II/3, 497 (19 March 1942).
54. TBJG, II/3, 489 (18 March 1942), 496 (19 March 1942).
55. TBJG, II/3, 494 (19 March 1942).
56. TBJG, II/3, 484 (17 March 1942).
57. TBJG, II/3, 495 (19 March 1942).
58. TBJG, II/3, 499 (20 March 1942).
59. TBJG, II/3, 503 (20 March 1942). Clearly, however, Hitler detested being reminded of poor morale. Only a few days later he noted on a report on the decline in mood which had been presented to him: ‘If it were decisive, what people always say, everything would long since have been lost. The true bearing of the people lies much deeper and rests on a very firm inner bearing. If that were not the case, all the achievements of the people would be inexplicable’ (Picker, 206 (25 March 1942)).
60. TBJG, II/3, 504 (20 March 1942); Wei?, Biographisches Lexikon, 457–9.
61. For the capitulation of justice to the police-state, see especially Martin Broszat, ‘Zur Perversion der Strafjustiz im Dritten Reich’, VfZ, 6 (1958), 390–443; and Broszat, Staat, ch.10, especially 421–2. Thierack was appointed Reich Minister of Justice on 20 August 1942 (Wistrich, Wer war wer, 272).
62. TBJG, II/3, 505 (20 March 1942); Irving, HW, 366.
63. TBJG, II/3, 506 (20 March 1942).
64. MadR, ix.3526–9 (26 March 1942); Steinert, 287–9.
65. Picker, 222–5, here 225 (29 March 1942).
66. Domarus, 1857, 1859–60; Rebentisch, 419; Ralph Angermund, Deutsche Richterschaft 1919–1945. Krisenerfahrung, Illusion, politische Rechtsprechung, Frankfurt am Main, 1990, 249–50. For further interventions by Hitler in sentencing, see Rebentisch, 399 and n.83; Broszat, Staat, 418. It has been estimated that there were some 25–30 cases between 1939 and 1942 in which Hitler imposed the death sentence instead of a lesser penalty (Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, Documents on Nazism 1919–1945, London, 1974, 276). The supine behaviour of Schlegelberger in the Schlitt case stood in contrast to the readiness, remarkable in the circumstances, of Gauleiter Rover of Oldenburg, to take up with Hitler on 2 May the complaint of the President of the Higher Regional Court in Oldenburg and persuade him that he had been mistaken in presuming the sentence on Schlitt had been too lenient. Rover was left to convey Hitler’s regrets to the Oldenburg judges. His fury was directed at those who had ‘misled’ him. (Domarus, 1881; Angermund, 250.)
67. Picker, 199 (22 March 1942).
68. TBJG, II/4, 162–3 (24 April 1942).
69. Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 197; Steinert, 286; Below, 308.
70. TBJG, II/4, 174 (26 April 1942).
71. TBJG, II/4, 176 (26 April 1942).
72. TBJG, II/4, 175–6 (26 April 1942).
73. See also Picker, 294–5 (25 April 1942) for an extended account of Hitler’s comments on vegetarianism at the lunchtime gathering.
74. TBJG, II/4, 177 (26 April 1942).
75. TBJG, II/4, 180 (27 April 1942).
76. TBJG, II/4, 181 (27 April 1942).
77. TBJG, II/4, 183–4 (27 April 1942). Picker’s account of the midday conversation deals solely with the question of the political comments of actors, particularly of Emil Jannings. Goebbels’s own account of the lunchtime session makes plain that this was only an unimportant subsidiary theme. (Picker, 296; TBJG, II/4, 185–6 (27 April 1942).)
78. TBJG, II/3, 561 (27 March 1942).
79. TBJG, II/4, 184 (27 April 1942).
80. TBJG, II/4, 183 (27 April 1942).
81. TBJG, II/4, 186–7 (2–7 April 1942).
82. Domarus, 1865–74.
83. Domarus, 1874–5.
84. Rebentisch, 420–21.
85. RGBl, 1942, I.247. See also Rebentisch, 421 and n.154 (for Lammers’s insertion); and Max Domarus, Der Reichstag und die Macht, Wurzburg, 1968, 149– 51.
86. Domarus, 1877.
87. MadR, x.3673–4 (27 April 1941); 3685–8 (30 April 1942); Steinert, 289.
88. MadR, x.3686–7; Steinert, 289–92; Angermund, 248–9; Klaus Oldenhage, ‘Justizverwaltung und Lenkung der Rechtsprechung im Zweiten Weltkrieg’, in Rebentisch and Teppe, 100–20, here 114–15.
89. Cit. Oldenhage, 115.
90. Steinert, 289–90.
91. Picker, 298–9 (26 April 1942); TBJG, II/4, 188 (27 April 1942).
92. StA Neuburg an der Donau, vorl.LO 30/35, KL Nordlingen, 11 May 1942: ‘Verzagte Gemuter… scheinen nur von einer Stelle der Rede des Fuhrers beeindruckt worden zu sein: als der Fuhrer von den Vorbereitungen zum Winterfeldzug 42/43 sprach. Je mehr die Grausamkeit und Harte des Winterkampfes im Osten der Heimat voll bewu?t geworden ist, umso mehr ist die Sehrsucht nach einem Ende gestiegen. Nun aber ist das Ende noch nicht absehbar — darunter leiden viele Frauen und Mutter.’
93. The ‘Osteria Bavaria’ was in Schellingstra?e 62, in the ‘Party district’ of Munich (Domarus, 1878, n.198).
94. Picker, 299–300 (27 April 1942). For Hitler’s railway plans, see the excellent study by Anton Joachimsthaler, Die Breitspurbahn. Das Projekt zur Erschlie?ung des gro?-europaischen Raumes 1942–1945 (1985), 6th edn, Munich, 1999.
95. Picker, 300–303 (29 April 1942). Hitler praised Furtwangler for making the Berlin Philharmonic a far superior orchestra to the Vienna Philharmonic, despite smaller subsidies. For an assessment of the relationship with the regime of Walter, Knappertsbusch, Furtwangler, and — a rapidly rising star combining musical brilliance with ruthless career-opportunism — Herbert von Karajan, see Michael H. Kater, The Twisted Muse. Musicians and their Music in the Third Reich, New York/Oxford, 1997, 40–46, 55–61, 93–4, 114–16, 195–203. Richard J. Evans, Rereading German History 1800–1996. From Unification to Reunification, London, 1997, 187–93, offers a necessary corrective to the uncritical treatment of Furtwangler in Fred K. Prieberg, Trial of Strength: Wilhelm Furt-wangler and the Third Reich, London, 1992, and Sam H. Shirakawa, The Devil’s Music
