problems in prevention, and complex nature. Philip Marsden shared with me details of how he had stopped its spread in parts of Brazil. Andy Arata and Bob Tonn of Vector Biology and Control Project (VBC) convinced me that vector control of Chagas’ disease is possible with insecticides and the improvement of houses. Hartenberger, Kuritsky, and Charles Lewellyn led a group of Bolivian epidemiologists, public health workers, and social scientists into accepting the challenge to eradicate Chagas’ disease in Bolivia. War had been declared against the disease, and control of Chagas’ disease was made an important component of the USAID Child Survival Program in Bolivia (CCH), which had a joint program with Secretariat Nacional de Salud (SNS) (see SOH/CCH 1994).[3] We left the workshop with T-shirts and buttons emblazoned with the crossed-circle stamping out an ugly vinchuca bug.

I returned to Bolivia during the summers of 1992, 1994, 1995, and 1997 to observe projects of SOH/CCH that included building new houses and improving hygiene as ways to prevent Chagas’ disease. Their success was limited to the degree that they used education, community participation, cultural sensitivity, and employment of native economic systems. More than 3,000 houses were built by project monies and peasant labor. I observed, however, that building new houses was not economically feasible for the majority of Bolivians, and that people generally were not practicing housing hygiene. As one example, in Aramasi, Department of Cochabamba, peasants resisted improving their houses because they thought that once the houses were improved they would be taken from them. This problem could be confronted by the education and preparation of community members. Another concern was that it is easier to kill bugs with insecticides (the technological quick fix) than to get peasants to maintain their houses and practice housing hygiene. This problem required being culturally and socially sensitive towards peasants, educating them to participate wholeheartedly in Chagas’ control, and assisting them in the maintenance of this control. Pro-Habitat of Bolivia designed posters and videos towards these ends. This book presents some of these successful strategies to prevent Chagas’ disease.

Review of the Literature

This book contributes to scholarly research by being the only text in English that covers Chagas’ disease in a comprehensive manner. Other monographs concentrate on specific issues; for example, Control of Chagas’ Disease, published in 1991 by the World Health Organization, contains information on epidemiology and vector control. An evaluation study, Chagas Disease in Bolivia: The Work of the SOH/CCH Chagas Control Pilot Program, 1994, describes the results of housing improvement by the national control program in Bolivia.

A landmark study in Spanish, La Casa Enferma: Sociologia de la Enfermedad de Chagas by Roberto Briceno-Leon, 1990, centers upon understanding social processes and human behavior that bring into contact humans, triatomine vectors, T. cruzi, and Chagas’ disease. Briceno’s book provides an analysis of a housing improvement project in Venezuela that served as a guide for the Bolivian control project.

Chagas’ Disease and the Nervous System, published by the Pan American Health Organization in 1994, covers the pathogenesis of Chagas’ disease and supports the theory that morbidity in Chagas’ disease results from misdirected effects of the humoral and cellular immune responses in infected patients, induced by a breakdown of self-tolerance. The involvement of autoimmune mechanisms in the pathogenesis of Chagas’ disease compares it in some ways with AIDS; hopefully, more research on the role of the immune system in both diseases will provide some solutions.

Kiss of Death incorporates findings from these books into an interdisciplinary study that looks at the broader picture of the relationship of Bolivians to this disease. It highlights how they culturally adapt to the disease. As one illustration, when I questioned herbalists about Chagas’ disease, many had not heard about it. They complained about vinchucas biting them at night but had no idea that these trumpet-nosed blood-sucking bugs were bearers of a deadly parasite. However, some herbalists recommended burning eucalyptus leaves to drive out vinchucas. This and other ways that natives have adapted to disease constitute important knowledge. Kiss of Death provides this information.

As an anthropologist, I have learned to deal with the unusual and threatening in a way that is understandable; this is my perspective throughout the book, one that tries to make the scientific knowledge understandable and the human suffering bearable and redeemable. One premise of this book is that it is necessary to relate the microbiology of Chagas’ disease to environmental, economic, political, social, and cultural factors in order to prevent Chagas’ disease. There is no quick fix, such as spraying with insecticides or employing vaccinations. The challenge of Chagas’ disease requires an interdisciplinary approach, discussed in the concluding chapter.

Frequently, I have been told by doctors that the disease is not a problem in the United States because it does not appear in clinical records. It may well be, however, that Chagas’ disease is more prevalent in America than clinical records show, because doctors are not looking for it. “If you are in America and hear hoof beats, you don’t look for zebras,” one doctor told me. However, parasites and bugs are able to travel from one continent to the other much faster than zebras. Also, diagnostic tests for Chagas’ disease are rarely called for in the United States, if they are available at all, although ELISA tests are used to detect Chagas’ antibodies throughout Bolivia.

The first indigenous case of Chagas’ disease reported in the United States was a ten-month-old white female child from Corpus Christi, Texas, on July 28, 1954 (Woody and Woody 1955). The disease had spread through triatomine bugs and opossums. This case shows that Trypanosoma cruzi, naturally occurring in animals and triatomine bugs in this area, are infective for humans, and it implies that unrecognized cases are probably present in the area. Since the mid-1970s, large numbers of immigrants have entered the United States from regions in Latin America where Chagas’ disease is common (Ciesielski et al. 1993, Kirchhoff et al. 1987). Epidemiological evidence suggests that many of these people are infected with Chagas’ disease (Kirchhoff 1993). Because Chagas’ heart disease is frequently overlooked, Hagar and Rahimtoola (1991) studied the records of forty-two patients with Chagas’ heart disease seen at one southern California institution since 1974. Eighteen out of twenty-five patients treated for presumed coronary artery disease or dilated cardiomyopathy had gone for as long as 108 months before the diagnosis of Chagas’ disease was considered. Chagas’ heart disease is not rare in the United States among persons from endemic areas but still may be underdiagnosed. Chagas’ disease has also spread to the United States through blood transfusions from Latin American donors with this disease (Kirchhoff 1989; Schmufiis 1985, 1991, 1994).

The medical profession is slowly becoming aware of Chagas’ disease, but, as it first did for AIDS, sees it as restricted to certain social groups and areas. At a recent national conference for tropical medicine in New Orleans, experts were warned of the increase of Chagas’ disease in the United States and provided with a course on the disease to review for their certification exams. This book contributes to this growing awareness by providing a unique holistic perspective of Chagas’ disease and by calling attention to the seriousness of the Chagas’ epidemic in Bolivia and Latin America. The perspective is structural and views the elements of Chagas’ disease within a contextual relationship rather than exclusively focusing on some aspect. However, there are focused perspectives within the chapters. Accounts of a number of interesting individuals tell something important about Chagas’ disease. The disease is viewed from their perspective—how they experience, interpret, prevent, and treat it. This book interrelates microbiology and medicine with social, economic, and environmental factors to show how Chagas’ disease can be prevented.

This book also views Chagas’ disease as related to the political economy. This interdisciplinary view relates economics to biology, culture, community ecology, and politics. It is essential to adopt a broad perspective that includes many factors before attempting preventative actions.

Another focus is upon housing, where parasites, insects, and humans interrelate. Houses are centers of peasants’ land, livestock, and base economy. Negative factors affecting the household are migration, abandonment, and loss of land. Houses are cultural institutions, symbols and refuges from the outside. Houses also are containers of parasites, insects, animals, and people. This book concerns the anthropology of the house.

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