The Crusader

War on Poland,” in FBIS, FBIS-EE-31-DEC81, December 31, 1981, D5.

97. Statement by TASS, January 7, 1982 (0921 GMT), published as “U.S. ‘Interference’ in Poland Criticized,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-7-JAN-82, January 7, 1982, F8–9.

98. Moscow Domestic Television Service, “Studio 9,” January 30, 1982, published as “‘Studio 9:’ Reagan, Roosevelt Compared,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-1-FEB-82, February 1, 1982, CC4.

99. Reagan, “Statement on U.S. Measures Taken Against the Soviet Union Concerning its Involvement in Poland,” December 29, 1981.

100. Reagan, “Excerpt From an Exchange With Reporters on the Situation in Poland,” December 29, 1981.

101. Barrett, Gambling With History, 298.

102. According to Richard Pipes, at a conference years later, Jaruzelski revealed that these and subsequent sanctions had cost Poland $12 billion, which was an enormous sum to a country of that size. Pipes, Vixi, 173.

103. The December 31, 1981 telegram is now filed in the Reagan Library in Folder 22, Box 2, PHF: Presidential Records.

104. See: Memorandum of Conversation, “Meeting with President Mitterand of France,” October 27, 1982, prepared by Ambassador Evan Galbraith, declassified July 26, 2000, on file at the Reagan Library.

105. Schweizer, Victory, 29, 31.

106. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, 262.

107. Moscow TASS statement, December 30, 1981, published as “Reagan’s ‘Discriminatory Measures’ Condemned,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-30-DEC-81, December 30, 1981, F1–2.

108. Ibid.

109. This Genscher statement was quoted in the Bulgarian press. Sofia BTA, by BTA observer Krasimir Drumev, “Illusory and Dangerous Course,” December 30, 1981, published as “Reagan’s Course: ‘Illusory and Dangerous,’” in FBIS, FBIS-EE-31-DEC-81, December 30, 1981, C2.

110. Zdenek Porybny, “Pressure Will Not Succeed,” Rude Pravo, December 27, 1981, 7, published as “U.S. Declares Economic War on Poland,” in FBIS, FBIS-EE-31-DEC-81, December 31, 1981, D5.

111. Article by Aleksey Petrov, “Dullness and Not Adamance,” Pravda, January 11, 1982, circulated by Warsaw PAP, January 12, 1982, published as “U.S. Desire for Socialist ‘Split’ Scored,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-13-JAN-82, January 13, 1982, G14.

112. Kornilov statement circulated by TASS, May 11, 1982, published as “Reagan Fabrications on Soviet- Polish Ties,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-12-MAY-82, May 12, 1982, A1.

113. For these reasons, said Rostowski, writing in caps for emphasis, the Reagan administration was imposing sanctions: “THESE ARE PROBABLY THE ACTUAL SOURCES AND CAUSES OF THE ECONOMIC RESTRICTIONS AGAINST POLAND AND THE ENTIRE POLISH NATION. THEY ARE ALSO THE CAUSES OF ALL THOSE POLITICALLY IRRESPONSIBLE AND NERVOUS DECISIONS ADOPTED BY THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION TO EXPAND ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL SANCTIONS ON THE SOVIET UNION.” Rostowski said that the U.S. goal was to weaken the economic and political links between Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Adam Rostowski, “The Camouflaged U.S. Political Plans,” Zolnierz Wolnosci, January 9–10, 1982, published as “U.S. Designs, Intentions,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-13-JAN-82, January 13, 1982, G16–17.

6. Of these two Clark memos to Reagan, one is dated January 11, 1982 and the other is not dated. It is unquestionably a February 1982 document, probably February 23. The documents are located at the Reagan Library, ES, NSC, HSF: Records, Vatican: Pope John Paul II, RRL, Box 41, Folders 8107378-820051 and 8200555- 8204184. The two documents were declassified on July 18, 2000.

7. February 1982 letter from Ronald Reagan to Pope John Paul II. The exact date was not featured on the draft on file. The date was probably February 23. Document is located at Reagan Library, ES, NSC, HSF: Records, Vatican: Pope John Paul II, RRL, Box 41, Folder 8200555-8204184. Document was declassified on July 18, 2000.

8. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, 260.

9. Interview with Bill Clark, July 17, 2003; and Bill Clark, “President Reagan and the Wall,” Address to the Council of National Policy, San Francisco, California, March 2000, 7–8.

10. Interview with Bill Clark, February 14, 2005.

11. Bill Clark, “President Reagan and the Wall,” Address to the Council of National Policy, San Francisco, California, March 2000, 2.

12. Ibid., 3–5.

13. Norman A. Bailey, The Strategic Plan That Won the Cold War: National Security Decision Directive 75 (McLean, VA: The Potomac Foundation, 1999), ii.

14. Another Californian from the gubernatorial days, speaks to Clark’s role. Noting that Reagan was ready to make “a concerted effort, as part of a coherent overall strategy, to win the Cold War and consign the Soviet system to ‘the ash heap of history,’” Weinberger says that this goal now proceeded full throttle under Bill Clark. Weinberger, In the Arena, 285–87.

15. Pipes, Vixi, 204.

16. Aleksey Petrov, “Not Firmness But Thick-Headedness,” Pravda, January 9, 1982, circulated by TASS, January 10, 1982, printed as “Petrov Article Assails U.S. Course on Poland,” in FBIS- SOV-11-JAN-82, January 11, 1982, F2.

17. Moscow Domestic Service, March 17, 1983. Transcript published as “Directive 75 ‘Subversive’ Anti- Soviet Plan” in FBIS-SOV-18-MAR-83, March 18, 1983, A8.

18. Richard Pipes, “Misinterpreting the Cold War,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1995, 157.

19. Pipes, Vixi, 165, 168.

20. Reagan, “Proclamation 4891—Solidarity Day,” January 20, 1982.

21. See, among others: Reagan, “Remarks at the New York City Partnership Luncheon,” New York, NY, January 14, 1982; “State of the Union,” 1982; and Reagan, “Remarks at the Centennial Meeting of the Supreme Council of the Knights of Columbus,” Hartford, Connecticut, August 3, 1982.

22. For another example, see Reagan, “Address to the Conservative Political Action Conference,” Washington, DC, February 26, 1982, in Roberts, ed., A City Upon a Hill, 70.

23. Ibid., 70.

24. Reed, At the Abyss, 226–28, 239.

25. The speech is dated circa 1963. It is called “Are Liberals Really Liberal?” A copy is located in the Hoover Institution Archives in Ronald Reagan Subject Collection, Box 1, which contains pre-1966 speeches and writings. A full transcript in Skinner, Anderson, and Anderson, eds., Reagan, In His Own Hand, 438–42.

26. Schweizer, Victory, 5.

27. Reagan, An American Life, 237.

28. This Reagan’s diary entry from March 26, 1982. Ibid, 316.

29. Ibid, 237–38.

30. Ibid, 237.

31. Ibid, 552.

32. Owen Smith, Casey’s son-in-law, observes that Casey was an actual “DCI”—the formal title of the head of the CIA—more than a “DCIA,” in the sense that he was more a Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) than a Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (DCIA). Conversation with Owen Smith, Washington, DC, May 10, 2000.

33. This was a natural extension of Casey’s early career training, having practiced economic warfare against the Nazis when he was at the Office of Strategic Services, the CIA’s World War II predecessor organization. He saw the Bolsheviks as replacing one totalitarian system (Hitler’s) with their own. Pointing to Communist countries like Cambodia, where 2 to 3 million out of a population of 5 to 7 million was killed or starved to death in just four years in the latter 1970s, Casey said that Marxist regimes were responsible for a “holocaust comparable” to that of Nazi Germany. Casey stated this during an October 27, 1986 speech to the John Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs at Ashland College in Ashland, OH. In Mark B. Liedl, ed., Scouting the Future: The Public Speeches of William J. Casey (Washington, DC: Regnery, 1989), 31–39.

34. In a May 1981 speech (Casey wrote his own speeches)—very early in the life of the Reagan administration—Casey said, “The Soviet economy is gasping under its inherent inefficiencies.” While informing his