will fight your annexation, resist your attempt to overthrow them, and split themselves off from the rest of the Philippines altogether-“

“Yes. Vice President Samar is proving to be difficult, ” Teguina admitted. Jose Trujillo Samar, Second Vice President of the Philippines, was the governor of the state of Mindanao. “But once the city of Davao falls, Mindanao will be ours as well.” Mikaso sat back in the chair behind his desk, trying to absorb everything Teguina was saying. This was insane. Teguina had taken the nuclear detonation and allowed the Philippines to be raped by it. His entire country-the nation he loved and served-was evaporating before his eyes. Even its very form of government. He had to stop this, had to buy himself some time. … had to stop Teguina. But he needed time. Moments, if nothing else. “Daniel, ” Mikaso said, “what about these Chinese troops here? How do they fit into your master plan?”

“Glad you asked, Mikaso, ” Teguina said smugly. He motioned to the officer in the helmet and blue bulletproofjacket. “This is Admiral Yin Po L’un, commander of the Spratly Island flotilla, the fleet that your traitorous soldiers bombed and strafed three nights ago. As a fellow Communist, he has agreed-with the full support of the People’s Republic of China, communicated to us from Beijing by Ambassador Dong-to assist in establishing my new regime. In exchange I have granted the Chinese Navy complete ownership of illegitimate Philippine holdings in the Spratly Islands. I have also authorized them access to our ports on Palawan and, once the rebel military forces have been eliminated, the naval base at Zamboanga and the airfields at Cebu and Davao. They will also have access to the former American military bases at Subic Bay and Angeles…”

“You’re giving the Chinese four military bases?” Mikaso gasped incredulously. “You’re insane, Teguina! The people will never allow it-the world will never allow such a domination!”

“It is already being done, Mikaso, ” Teguina said. “Not if I can help it, ” Mikaso said, reaching into his desk drawer to pull out a pistol he’d kept there for years. But it was too late. Several Type 56 automatic rifles, variants of the Soviet AK47 assault rifle, swung in his direction and someone fired. Mikaso jerked from the impact of the shot and slumped over the desk before finally collapsing on the floor. Teguina stood staring at the assassinated President, his mouth slightly agape. He had never meant to kill Mikaso, simply arrest him and have him confined. He continued to stare at the body and realized his breathing was labored. He felt a tap on the shoulder. “Comrade President.. .” Admiral Yin said, a slight smile on his face. Teguina had never heard those words before. The reality was dawning on him. Within a few seconds he had become the new President of the Republic of the Philippines-no, the President of the New Democratic Federation of Aguinaldo. He liked the sound of that-President of the Democratic Federation of Aguinaldo. It was a name that recalled the glory days, the days of fervent revolutionaries like Emilio Aguinaldo, a peasant farmer who rose to become the leader of a nation over two world superpowers, Spain and the United States. No matter that Aguinaldo was finally captured by General Funston, capitulated, and swore allegiance to America-it was his indomitable spirit that survived. It would become the rallying cry for a new nation. The Republic of Aguinaldo. The name sounded perfect. The body in a brown suit had been hastily covered with a tablecloth and was carried out by Chinese soldiers. “Wait!” Teguina shouted. “1 want the badge.” He pointed to his lapel, then motioned to the body that had been taken away. A Chinese officer went out, returning a few seconds later with the Philippine Badge of Honor. Teguina’s eyes registered dark stains spattered across the officer’s fingers, but ignored them as he pinned the Badge of Honor to his own lapel. The doors to the President’s office were closed by the Chinese troops, and Daniel Francisco Teguina set about the task of planning the important next steps to consolidating his power. THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL OFFICE WEDNESDAY, 28 SEPTEMBER 1994, 1035 HOURS LOCAL The President was at his desk, staring out of one of the bulletresistant polycarbonate windows looking into the Rose Garden, when the men were ushered in. He didn’t even look up. His mind was on something more personal, more immediate than whatever brought the gentlemen in for this next appointment. Secretary of State Dennis Danahall and the President’s Chief of Staff, Paul Cesare, were standing near the President’s desk. The President’s secretary ushered General Curtis into the Oval Office. Curtis had been summoned for a meeting with the NSC and the President. “Sir.. .” General Curtis said, letting the President know he was present after Taylor’s secretary had shut the door behind him and disappeared back into the outer reception area. The President said nothing for a moment-nor did the others-and then, finally, he turned and took a deep breath. “Arturo Mikaso may be dead.” Curtis felt his heart skip a beat. “What? Mikaso dead?” Danahall said, “It’s unconfirmed, but we got a report a few minutes ago from British Intelligence, who had a Filipino clerk working in the palace at the time. The clerk says Mikaso was shot by a Chinese guard about an hour ago when the troops moved in. Some other Cabinet members and most of Mikaso’s staff and guards were also shot.”

“Mikaso could still be alive.” The President sighed. “But I doubt it.”

“What about the Chinese? Are they assisting in the coup?” asked Curtis. “The Chinese have occupied a military base on Palawanthey have in fact occupied the entire island-and have been given authorization by Teguina to occupy four more installations in the south, ” Secretary of Defense Preston said. “There are Chinese infantry and armor units in the capital already, and they are augmenting rebel troops by the hundreds.” Curtis looked at the President of the United States, understanding the terrible anguish within him. President Taylor and Mikaso had been friends despite the removal of U.S. troops from the Philippines, and Taylor had always pledged to protect Mikaso and his island country no matter what the political situation was. The news of his murder in his own house, by invading troops, must have been devastating to the President. “Mr. President, I’m very sorry. “I haven’t even briefed the rest of the NSC or the Cabinet about it yet, ” the President replied quietly. “Dammit, I should have been smarter. 1 should have realized Arturo was in danger from the beginning.. .” The President swiveled his chair and faced his advisers. “Well, what the hell do we do now?”

“The Chinese have closed off the airport, ” Danahall said. “It’s too late to evacuate American citizens in Manila. We should demand that all American citizens that wish to leave be allowed to leave.”

“Yes, absolutely . . . see to it immediately, ” the President said. His mind was moving quickly from item to item, all the while interrupted with the thought of his friend murdered in cold blood by a Chinese soldier. “What about the carriers? Are they in danger from the Chinese now?” General Curtis said, “1 believe the carriers can adequately protect themselves from any sea-based threats, including Chinese submarines. Their main threat would come from longrange, land-based strike aircraft or antiship missiles, and we need to determine the seriousness of that threat before sending any carrier task forces too close to occupied territory. The main thing is, we’ve got to get all the data we possibly can on the composition of the Chinese invaders. But if I may speak freely, sir-the most important question here is what you intend to do about the Chinese in the Philippines, ” Curtis concluded. “I want the Chinese out, that’s what, ” the President replied testily. “I want the democratic government in Manila restored. We will open negotiations with Premier Cheung immediately, of course, but I want them out. Unconditionally.”

“But if they are invited by the Philippine government? Do we have any right to go in with military force to try to remove them?” Secretary of Defense Preston asked. “If they pose no direct threat to free trade and free access to the South Pacific or Southeast Asia, why do we want them out of the Philippines?” “What do you mean… ? Of course we have the right to remove them from the Philippines, ” President Taylor said. “They’re a destabilizing force, a military and political threat to the democracies in the area. Aren’t we in agreement on this?”

“I don’t think there is any question about that, ” Danahall said. “A three-way balance of power-us, the Soviets, and the Chinese-offers the best stability. Reduce it to one nation and the Cold War heats up all over again.” Curtis said, “But Secretary Preston’s point is valid, sir. We might not have any legitimate right to try to bump the Chinese out unless we can prove that the invasion is not in our best interests or unless we are asked to intervene.”

“We have every right to make demands on the Chinese, ” Cesare interjected. “They don’t own the South China Sea. No nation can just move in and occupy another country.”

“Exactly, Paul, ” the President said, “Mikaso was our friend and ally. I’m sure he didn’t give his life to allow the Chinese to march into his capital and take over his country.”

“Curtis and Preston have a point, Mr. President, ” Danahall said. “If the present government-even Teguinasays he invited China in to quell some sort of national uprising, that forces us into a defensive situation. We have to explain to the world why we want to send troops in.”

“We’re always put in a position to defend our actions, ” the President scoffed. “What else is new?”

“That’s often true, Mr. President, ” Danahall said. “But we’ve got to try to work in concert with other countries-the more we try to go it alone, the more we’re accused of bullying and imperialism. We should get some interested countries involved and get them to ask for our help.”

“Like who?” “ASEAN, for example, ” Danahall replied. “Most or all of the ASEAN nations have had territorial arguments with ChinaASEAN was developed as a counterweight to Chinese aggression. And then there are things we can do to advance our own military position without unnecessarily provoking the Chinese or alienating

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