conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not; for there was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pass, at which the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Here they remained during the night.

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with silence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came close upon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand their charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a few of them were killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marched immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and these were the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the half of the rear-guard, went up by the same way as those who had the guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the other half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks. The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest of the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hill in files,[185] not on every side, but leaving a way of escape for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as they were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely.

The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was resolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehending that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing, (for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the whole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so that all were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position from fear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that having observed from the eminence what had passed behind, they all went off with the intention of attacking the rear.

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rear might join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and Amphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on, and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,[186] they came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled down stones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's shield-bearer deserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian from Lusia,[187] a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on holding his shield before them both; and the rest went to join those who were already drawn up.

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of provisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were plastered over.[188] 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies they should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a guide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where there was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstruct their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through the opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground than the obstructing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear, Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of that part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of us;[189] for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot[190] against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through shields and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them as javelins, fixing thongs to them.[191] In these parts the Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them.

[Footnote 181: Xenophon and Cheirisophus. Kühner.]

[Footnote 182: [Greek: Tên phaneran ekbasin].] Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the mountain an [Greek: ekbasis], or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. Kühner ad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.]

[Footnote 183: [Greek: Holoitrochous].] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properly a round stone fit for rolling, or a stone that has been made round by rolling, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with [Greek: petros] understood. Most critics suppose it to be from [Greek: holos] and [Greek: trechô], totus teres atque rotundus. Liddell and Scott derive it from [Greek: eilô], volvo. See Theocr. xxii. 49.]

[Footnote 184: [Greek: Diesphendonônto].] 'Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled by a sling.']

[Footnote 185: [Greek: Orthiois tois lochois].] Each [Greek: lochos] or company marching in file or column, so that the depth of the [Greek: lochos] was equal to the number of soldiers of which it consisted. Sturz. This is the interpretation adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that [Greek: orthios lochos] always meant single file; the term seems to have included any form of a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in front.]

[Footnote 186: [Greek: Ta hopla ekeinto].] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.]

[Footnote 187: A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor.]

[Footnote 188: [Greek: En lakkois koniatois].] The Athenians and other Greeks used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square, and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in them; they called them [Greek: lakkoi]. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by Hutchinson. Spelman translates [Greek: lakkoi koniatoi], 'plastered cisterns,' a term which Ainsworth adopts. 'The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon,' says he, 'are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially between Semeïsát and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of discussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have become Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for water. They were generally closed by a single large stone.' Travels in the Track, &c. p. 164.]

[Footnote 189: [Greek: Engythen pheugontes].] 'Fleeing from near,' i. e. when they were at no great distance

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