line[202] towards the left; and he directed both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt facing the river.

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,[203] and the archers with their arrows on the string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should reach them and a shield should ring,[204] to raise the pæan and rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] from the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and others of their mistresses,) began, in consequence, to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks then sang the pæan, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.

[Footnote 192: Yet 'the Carduchian mountains,' observes Rennell, 'in effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from the attacks of the Persians.' Illustrations of the Exp. of Curas, p. 173.]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is nowhere else mentioned.]

[Footnote 194: [Greek: Diabainein].] 'Ingredi, pedem proferre.' Kühner. His fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs apart, and walk with stability; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition [Greek: dia].]

[Footnote 195: [Greek: Enchein].] This passage is commonly taken thus: [Greek: ekeleue tois neaniskois enchein], 'he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the cup for themselves),' for the purpose of making a libation. Kühner, however, makes it [Greek: ekeleue (tous peri auton) enchein tois neaniskois], he ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, [Greek: keleuô] being sometimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.]

[Footnote 196: [Greek: Stephanôsamenos].] According to the custom of the Lacedæmonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedæm. 13. 8; Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. Schneider.]

[Footnote 197: [Greek: Tous lochous orthious].] See iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 198: [Greek: Esphagizouto eis ton potamon].] Offering a sacrifice to the gods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10, cited by Hutchinson. 'They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to flow into the river.' Poppo.]

[Footnote 199: [Greek: Ton poron].] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 200: Behind the enemy. Kühner. Or behind the cavalry that were pursuing the enemy.]

[Footnote 201: Those mentioned in sect. 3.]

[Footnote 202: [Greek: Epi phalangos].] This disposition of a company was in opposition to [Greek: lochoi orthioi] (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect, 10. The expression [Greek: epi phalangos], says Kühner, properly means for a phalanx, or so that a phalanx (or acies) might be formed.]

[Footnote 203: [Greek: Diênkylômenous].] The verb [Greek: diênkylousthai] is rightly interpreted by Hesychius [Greek: to eneirai tous daktylous tê ankylê] (h. e. amento) [Greek: tou akontiou]. Sturz. The following [Greek: epibeblêmenous] must be similarly explained.]

[Footnote 204: [Greek: Aspis psophê].] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. Kühner. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shields on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but, without doubt, erroneously.]

[Footnote 205: Or, sound a charge. The design of it was to precipitate the enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32.]

CHAPTER IV.

The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and

arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the

governor of the province, and discover his insincerity.

1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five parasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace for the satrap;[206] upon most of the houses there were towers[207], and provisions were in great plenty.

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty[208]; and there were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished to speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He replied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a treaty upon these terms.

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops, keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a palace,[209] with several villages around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snow[210] in the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.[211] 9. Here they found all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds.

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