far as he is concerned, to benefit those who are willing to be our friends.' 10. In this opinion, Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising from their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,[51] in token that he was to suffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led him away. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bow before him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he was being led to execution.
11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the most confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers, [52] no one from that time ever beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, from certain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures were made; but no burial-place of him was ever seen.
[Footnote 51: This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.]
[Footnote 52: [Greek: Skêptouchôn].] 'Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58.'
CHAPTER VII.
Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the
Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He
advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his
brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less
caution.
1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, a distance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, about midnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take the command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, while he himself drew up his own troops.
2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the Great King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus, assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with them how he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with the following exhortations: 3. 'It is not, O Greeks, from any want of Barbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that you prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, and for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I should prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions many times as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you are advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The enemy's numbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but if you are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, in other respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you are true men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of you, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their fellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country.'
5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence of Cyrus, being present, said, 'Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make many promises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger; but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;[53] and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise.'
6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, 'We have before us, my friends, the empire that was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where men cannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannot live for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, the friends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be proper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So that it is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to each of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, I will also give a golden crown.'
8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, were much encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. The captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they should be victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the minds of all.
9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in the battle personally, but take his station behind their line. About this time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: 'And do you think, Cyrus, that your brother will come to battle with you?' 'By Jupiter,' replied Cyrus, 'if he be indeed the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of these dominions without a struggle.'
10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to be ten thousand four hundred heavy- armed men, and two thousand four hundred peltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundred thousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes.
11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, six thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawn up in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four commanders, or generals, or leaders,[54] each over three hundred thousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas, who was marching from Phoenicia, did not arrive till five days after the battle.
13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy who deserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy as were taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account.
14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in order of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would give him battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep trench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms,[55] and the depth three. 15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the wall of Media.[56] Here are the canals which are supplied from the river Tigris;[57] there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the trench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marching against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got within the trench.
17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there were to be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat.
18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him three thousand darics,[58] because, on the eleventh day previous, while sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for ten days; when Cyrus exclaimed, 'He will not then fight at all, if he does not fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise to give you ten talents.' This money, therefore, he now paid him, the ten days having elapsed.
19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding that, he pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a small body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part of the army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers' arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden.
[Footnote 53: [Greek: Ou memnêsthai].] This is the reading in all books and manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson and others render it 'te non fore memorem.' Should we read [Greek: memnêsesthai]?]
[Footnote 54: [Greek: Êsan archontes kai stratêgoi kai hêgemones tettares].] Weiske considers the words [Greek: kai stratêgoi kai hêgemones] spurious; and Schneider and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term [Greek: archontes].]
[Footnote 55: [Greek: Orgyiai].] The [Greek: orgyia] was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.]
[Footnote 56: [Greek: Tou Mêdias teichous].] As many of the best manuscripts have [Greek:
