Morde, 203; Muller, Heer, 453).
81. IMG, xxvi.378–9 (quotation, 379), Doc.864-PS; Documenta Occupationis, vol.vi, ed. Instytut Zachodni, Poznan, 1958, 27–30; Broszat, Polenpolitik, 25.
82. IMG, xxvi.381, Doc.864-PS; Documenta Occupationis, vi.29; Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 86.
83. Though doubts are implied in Irving, HW, 12.
84. Krausnick, Morde, 206–7.
85. Groscurth, 358; Muller, Heer, 428. Brauchitsch’s wishes, outlined to Heydrich on 22 September, for ‘no over-hasty elimination of the Jews’, to back the Fuhrer’s order of priority for economic matters, and for ‘ethnic-political movements’ only after the end of military operations, also indicate his broad knowledge of the ‘ethnic-cleansing’ programme. Heydrich told him explicitly on this occasion that, as far as economic concerns went, no consideration could be made for nobility, clergy, teachers, and legionaries: ‘But those weren’t many — a few thousand,’ he said (Groscurth, 361).
86. Documenta Occupationis, vol.v, ed. Instytut Zachodni, Poznan, 1952, 40.
87. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 76–7; Omer Bartov, Hitler’s Army. Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich, New York/Oxford, 1991, 62–7. Marcel Reich-Ranicki, the German literary critic, of Polish-Jewish descent, described the plundering and sadistic behaviour of German soldiers in Warsaw in autumn 1939, which he witnessed at first hand, as ‘the pleasure of the hunt’. Freed of any constraints they might have felt at home, they were subject to no control, and could simply ‘let rip’ (Marcel Reich-Ranicki, Mein Leben, Stuttgart, 1999, 178ff., especially 183–4).
88. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 77–8 (quotation from the amnesty decree, 82).
89. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 80.
90. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 84; Broszat, Polenpolitik, 34 (for the complaint by Gauleiter Forster).
91. TBJG, I/7, 153 (14 October 1939).
92. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 87.
93. Broszat, Polenpolitik, 34–5.
94. See Muller, Heer, 437–50, for the complaints of Blaskowitz and Ulex.
95. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 97–8, 102–3; Ernst Klee, Willi Dre?en, and Volker Rie? (eds.), ‘Schone Zeiten’. Judenmord aus der Sicht der Tater und Gaffer, Frankfurt am Main, 1988, 14–15; Hans-Adolf Jacobsen, 1939–1945, Der Zweite Weltkrieg in Chronik und Dokumenten, 5th edn, Darmstadt, 1961, 606–8; Muller, Heer, 448–9.
96. See Muller, Heer, 428ff.
97. IfZ, MA 1564/24, Nuremberg Documents, NOKW-1799; text printed in Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 103–4 and n.425; Brauchitsch’s comments came a day after Blaskowitz’s final report, and five days after the complaint of Ulex.
98. Engel, 68; Krausnick, Morde, 204, n.42.
99. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 103.
100. Muller, Heer, 451, n.152.
101. Cit. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 106; Klaus-Jurgen Muller, ‘Zu Vorgeschichte und Inhalt der Rede Himmlers vor der hoheren Generalitat am 13.Marz 1940 in Koblenz’, VfZ, 18 (1970), 95–120, here 108. See Albert Zoller, Hitler privat. Erlebnisbericht seiner Geheimsekretarin, Dusseldorf, 1949, 195, for Himmler’s comments, evidently in the same context: ‘The person of the Fuhrer must on no account be brought into connection with [the atrocities in Poland]. I accept full responsibility.’
102. IfZ, ZS 627, (Gen. Wilhelm Ulex) Fol.124: ‘Ich tue nichts, was der Fuhrer nicht wei?.’ See also Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 105; Krausnick, Morde, 205; Muller, Heer, 451. Irving, HW, 13n, casts doubt on the veracity of Ulex’s recollection, on the grounds that no one else present on the occasion subsequently referred to these words.
103. Broszat, Polenpolitik, 41.
104. TBJG, I/7, 157 (17 October 1939). For the production and content of the film, see the detailed study of Stig Hornshoh-Moller, ‘Der ewige Jude’. Quellenkritische Analyse eines antisemitischen Propagandafilms, Institut furden Wissenschaftlichen Film, Gottingen, 1995.
105. TBJG, I/7, 173 (29 October 1939); quotation, 177 (2 November 1939). Hitler took a direct interest in the film. He had suggestions to make when Goebbels spoke to him again about the development of the film in mid-November (TBJG, I/7, 201 (19 November 1939). Fritz Hippler, head of the film department in the Propaganda Ministry and producer of the film, claimed in his memoirs long after the war that Goebbels had told him when commissioning film of the Polish ghettos that the Fuhrer wanted all the Jews resettled in Madagascar or elsewhere, and that the film was required for archival purposes (Hornshoh-Moller, ‘Der ewige Jude’ 16; Fritz Hippler, Die Verstrickung, Dusseldorf, 1981, 187). Goebbels’s language on the Poles resembled that of Hitler: ‘Drive over Polish roads. That’s already Asia. We’ll have a lot to do to germanize this area’ (TBJG, I/7, 177 (2 November 1939)).
106. Michael Burleigh, Germany turns Eastwards. A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich, Cambridge, 1988, especially ch.4.
107. Documenta Occupationis, v.2–28; Broszat, Polenpolitik, 26– 7.
108. See Gotz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung. Auschwitz und die deutschen Plane fur eine neue europaische Ordnung, Frankfurt am Main, 1993.
109. For a brief sketch of Greiser’s personality and career, see Ian Kershaw, ‘Arthur Greiser — Ein Motor der “Endlosung” ’, in Ronald M. Smelser, Enrico Syring, and Rainer Zitelmann (eds.), Die Braune Elite II, Darmstadt, 1993, 116–27. Greiser’s motor-boat licence from 1930 is in his file in NA, IRR, Box 69, XE 000933, NND 871063, Folder 3. By then he had already joined the Party, because, he was said to have stated (letter in the file to Greiser from Rolf-Heinz Hoppner, 22 November 1943), ‘that this was the only thing that could still save him’ (‘dass dies das einzige sei, was ihn noch retten konne’). His political enemies later claimed that he was engaged at the time in currency smuggling.
110. Cit. Kershaw, ‘Greiser’, 118.
111. Burckhardt, 78.
112. Burckhardt, 79.
113. Cit. Kershaw, ‘Greiser’, 125.
114. Rebentisch, 163–88, here especially 183.
115. Cit. Kershaw, ‘Greiser’, 125.
116. Cit. Kershaw, ‘Greiser’, 123.
117. Archiwum Panstowe Poznan, Best. Schutzpolizei Posen, Bd.7, S.1, Dienstabt. Jarotschin, 15 October 1939, Dienstbefehl Nr.i.
118. Dienstbefehl, Nr. 5, 20 March 1940.
119. Information kindly provided by Stanislaw Nawrocki, Director of the Archiwum Panstowe Poznan, 25 September 1993. The figures relate to the situation in 1942–3.
120. Cit. Krausnick/Wilhelm, Truppe, 626–7, cit. BA R43 II/1549, Bormann to Lammers, 20 November 1940.
121. See Broszat, Polenpolitik, 200, n.45.
122. Broszat, Polenpolitik, ch.5.
123. See Ian Kershaw, ‘Improvised Genocide? The Emergence of the “Final Solution” in the “Warthegau” ’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th Ser., 2 (1992), 51–78. It was no accident that the first extermination unit, Chelmno, to begin operations, at the beginning of December 1941, was situated in the ‘Warthegau’.
