83. CD, 263–4, 268.
84. Below, 234; Domarus, 1527–8.
85. Lukacs, Duel, 139.
86. CD, 267 (18–19 June 1940).
87. CD, 266–7; Schmidt, 495.
88. TBJG, 1/8, 202 (3 July 1940).
89. Churchill and Roosevelt: The Complete Correspondence, vol.i, ed. Warren Kimball, Princeton, 1984, 49–51, Doc.C-17X (quotation, 49).
90. Schmidt, 495; CD, 266–7; Domarus, 1528.
91. IMG, xxviii.431, Doc. 1809-PS (Jodl-Tagebucher).
92. TBJG, 11/4, 492 (10 June 1942).
93. Schmidt, 497–502; Keitel, 235–6; Domarus, 1529–30. And see Eberhard Jackel, Frankreich in Hitlers Europa. Die deutsche Frankreichpolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg, Stuttgart, 1966, 38–40. Hitler gave orders for the railway carriage and memorial to the French victory to be brought back to Berlin. The monument to Marshal Foch, the French hero of the First World War, was to be left untouched. The carriage was pulled through the Brandenburg Gate on ‘Heroes’ Memorial Day’ (Heldengedenktag) 1941, then put on display in the Lustgarten. (Tb Reuth, 1438, n.105.)
94. TBJG, 1/8, 186 (22 June 1940).
95. DRZW, ii.316–19.
96. Domarus, 1533.
97. Speer, 185–6.
98. Below, 235; Schroeder, 106 and 351 n.202. Hitler had already at the beginning of the month paid one visit to the battlefields, taking in the Langemarck Monument and Vimy Ridge (TBJG, 1/8, 154 (4 June 1940), 159 (6 June 1940); Below, 235).
99. Without indicating any source, Irving, HW, 131, Hauner, 152, and an editorial note to Schroeder, 351 n.203, date the visit to 23 June; Giesler, 387, to 24 June. But both Schroeder, 106, and Below, 235, place the visit after, not before, the trip to the battlefields. Speer, 186, dates the visit to ‘three days after the commencement of the armistice’, which would be 28 June. This is the date given by Domarus, 1534, referring to newspaper reports of 30 June 1940 on the visit.
100. Speer, 186–7.
101. Monologe, 116 (29 October 1941).
102. Speer, 187.
103. TBJG, 1/8, 202 (3 July 1940).
104. Speer, 187. In autumn 1941 he told the guests at the evening meal, despite mixed impressions of the city’s beauty, that he had been glad that it had not been necessary to destroy it (Monologe, 116 (29 October 1941)).
105. TBJG, 1/8, 202 (3 July 1940). England could be defeated in four weeks, Hitler had told Goebbels. See Schroeder, 105, for Hitler indicating on the very night that the armistice came into effect that he was going to make a speech (which she took to be a last appeal to England), and that if they did not comply he would proceed against them ‘unmercifully’. Schroeder dates her letter, however, 20 June 1940 — five days before the ceasefire. Below also indicated Hitler’s presumption that his ‘offer’ would be turned down (Below, 236).
106. Zoller, Hitler privat, 141; Below, 237; TBJG, 1/8, 209–10 (7 July 1940).
107. StA Neuburg an der Donau, vorl.LO A5, report of the Kreisleiter of Augsburg-Stadt, 10 July 1940.
108. GStA, MA 106683, report of the Regierungsprasident of Schwaben, 9 July 1940.
109. See Kershaw, ‘Hitler Myth’, 155–6. Goebbels’s comment that the people were thirsting for war with England (TBJG, 1/8, 205 (5 July 1940)) was on this occasion not far wide of the mark.
110. Below, 237.
111. Weinberg III, 145–6; Lukacs, Duel, 172–3. Hitler had assured the French, in the terms of the armistice, that he had no intention of deploying their fleet for war purposes and had allowed the French fleet to remain armed (Domarus, 1532; TBJG, 1/8, 210 (7 July 1940)).
112. TBJG, 1/8, 210 (7 July 1940).
113. CD, 275 (7 July 1940); CP, 375–9. Hitler’s words were partly directed at Britain, since he was aware that what he said to Ciano would find its way to the British (Below, 239).
114. Lukacs, Duel, 173.
115. TBJG, 1/8, 213 (9 July 1940).
116. Hillgruber, Strategie, 168; Karl Klee (ed.), Dokumente zum Unternehmen ‘Seelowe’. Die geplante deutsche Landung in England 1940, Gottingen/Berlin/Frankfurt, 1959, 238–9.
117. Klee, Dokumente zum Unternehmen ‘Seelowe,’ 239–40; Karl Klee, Das Unternehmen ‘Seelowe’, Gottingen/Berlin/Frankfurt, 1958, 58–9; Below, 236.
118. DRZW, ii.371. See Jodl’s Memorandum of 30 June 1940 in IMG, xxviii.301–3, D0C.1776-PS. Jodl had seen landings only as a last resort, and if air- superiority was assured.
119. Thomas, German Navy, 195.
120. Klee, Dokumente, 240–41; BA/MA, PG/31320, Handakten Raeder, Denkschrift, 11 June 1940 (kindly drawn to my attention by Meir Michaelis); see Thomas, Navy, 192.
121. Lukacs, Duel 180–81; Below, 239–40.
122. Klee, Unternehmen, 72. Invasion scares had been prevalent in Britain for weeks by this time. Churchill deliberately kept the scare running to build up fighting morale, though doubting personally the seriousness of the invasion threat (John Colville, Downing Street Diaries 1939– 1955, London, 1985, 192). I am grateful for this reference to Tilman Remme. Churchill had received an insight into German naval thinking about an invasion in June (Churchill, ii.267).
123. Halder KTB, II, 19–22 (13 July 1940). Apart from ‘Sealion’, Hitler discussed with Halder proposals put forward by the army leadership for demobilization of some units. Evidently contemplating the likelihood of new military engagements in the near future, Hitler would only agree to disbanding fifteen divisions — subsequently (Halder KTB, ii.20 (13 July 1940), 27 (19 July 1940); DRZW, ii. 371; DRZW, iv.9, 261–2) raised to seventeen — instead of an intended thirty-five divisions, with the bulk of the remaining personnel to be sent on leave and therefore be made available for speedy recall. The initial plans in mid-June 1940 had foreseen the disbanding of forty divisions (DRZW, iv.260).
124. Halder KTB, ii.21 (13 July 1940), trans. Halder Diary, 227. See also Below, 240. By ‘others’, Hitler meant the Soviet Union (Hillgruber, Strategie, 155 n.53).
125. As a wave of fear of fifth-columnists mounted in Britain once the German western offensive had begun, Mosley and his wife Diana (nee Mitford), a long-standing admirer of Hitler, were placed in internment (Skidelsky, 449ff.).
126. Engel, 85 (15 July 1940).
127. Below, 240.
128. Weisungen, 71.
129. Blumentritt, 85–7; and see Messenger, 125–7.
130. Domarus, 1539.
131. Below, 240–41; Shirer, Berlin Diary, 356.
132. Engel, 85–6 (22 July 1940). BA, R4311/1087a contains records relating to handsome gifts during the war of estates to Keitel, Guderian, Reichenau, Leeb, and others.
133. Below, 237, 240 (for the feeling that Brauchitsch did not deserve promotion).
134. Shirer, Berlin Diary, 355–6.
