Strafurteile wegen nationalsozialistischer Totungsverbrechen 1945–1966, vol.20, Amsterdam, 1979, 435–6, No.580 a-51–2 (trial of Karl Wolff); Burrin, 105.
51. Browning, ‘Hitler and the Euphoria of Victory’, 140–41; and see Longerich, Politik, 362–9.
52. Dienstkalender, 184–5; Browning, Path, 105.
53. IMG, xxxviii, 86–94, D0C.221-L; Klee and Dre?en, ‘Gott mit uns’, 23.
54. Moll, ‘Fuhrer-Erlasse’, 188–9; Longerich, Politik, 362– 3; Breitman, Architect, 183–4.
55. Browning, ‘Hitler and the Euphoria of Victory’, 140.
56. IfZ, EW 100, Tagebuch Walther Hewel 1941, 10 July 1941; and see Irving, HW, 291: ‘Ich fuhle mich wie Robert Koch in der Politik. Der fand den Bazillus [der Tuberkulose — these two words crossed out by Hewel] und wies damit der arztlichen Wissenschaft neue Wege. Ich entdeckte den Juden als den Bazillus und das Ferment aller [menschl. — crossed out by Hewel] gesellschaftlichen Dekomposition. Ihr Ferment. Und eines habe ich bewiesen, da? ein Staat ohne Juden leben kann. Da? Wirtschaft, Kultur, Kunst etc etc ohne Juden bestehen kann und zwar besser. Das ist der schlimmste Schlag, den ich den Juden versetzt habe.’
57. Staatsmanner I, 304 and n.2, 295.
58. Staatsmanner I, 306–7.
59. Staatsmanner I, 309–10.
60. Patzold, Verfolgung, 295–6.
61. Eichmann confirmed after the war that the document had been drawn up in the RSHA and merely signed by Goring (Rudolf Aschenauer (ed.), Ich, Adolf Eichmann, Leoni, 1980,479). Goring’s desk diary indicates that he had an appointment to see Heydrich on 31 July between 6.15 and 7.15p.m. (Hermann Wei?’, ‘Die Aufzeichnungen Hermann Gorings im Institut fur Zeitgeschichte’, VfZ, 31 (1983), 365–8, here 366–7).
62. IMG, xxvi, 266–7, Doc. 710-PS; Longerich, Ermordung, 78.
63. Aly, 270–71, 307.
64. Aly, 271; Burrin, 116.
65. The only evidence linking the document with Hitler is tenuous. Over a year later, the Foreign Office expert on anti-Jewish policy, Martin Luther, claimed to have heard Heydrich mention at the Wannsee Conference, on 20 January 1942, that he had received the commission from Goring on Hitler’s instructions (Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the Final Solution, Oxford, 1986, 46n.13). There is no supporting evidence, either from the minutes or from others attending the Conference, for Heydrich’s alleged remark. (See Burrin, 116; Breitman (who accepts Luther’s comment), 193 and 296 n.27.) Eberhard Jackel, in an as yet unpublished paper on Heydrich’s role in the development of extermination policy which he kindly allowed me to see, presumes it to be ‘very unlikely that Goring gave his signature without instruction from or at least approval by Hitler’. Since the ‘mandate’ was essentially confirming powers which Heydrich already possessed — if (which was its purpose) now establishing more plainly for others his primacy in planning a ‘final solution of the Jewish Question’ — it remains unclear why Hitler’s explicit involvement was necessary.
66. See Burrin, 116ff.; Aly, 271–3, 307; Mommsen, ‘Realisierung’, 409.
67. Aly, 307.
68. NA, T175, Roll 577, Frame 366337, Report of SD-Hauptau?enstelle Bielefeld, 5 August 1941.1 am most grateful to Prof. Otto Dov Kulka (Jerusalem) for referring me to this report.
69. TBJG, II/2, 218 (12 August 1941).
70. ‘Das Reichsministerium des Innern und die Judengesetzgebung. Aufzeichnungen von Dr. Bern-hard Losener’, VfZ, 9 (1961), 262–311, here 303.
71. ‘Das Reichsministerium des Innern und die Judengesetzgebung’, 302–3. There is no doubt that this was an accurate reflection of Goebbels’s own views. On 7 August, he had written in his diary, in the context of reports of typhus in the Warsaw ghetto: ‘The Jews have always been carriers of infectious diseases. They should be either packed into (zusammenpferchen) a ghetto and left to themselves, or liquidated’ (TBJG, II/1, 189 (7 August 1941)).
72. ‘Das Reichsministerium des Innern und die Judengesetzgebung’, 303.
73. ‘Das Reichsministerium des Innern und die Judengesetzgebung’, 303–4.
74. TBJG, II/1, 258–9, 261 (19 August 1941).
75. TBJG, II/1, 265–6, 269 (19 August 1941). Tobias Jersak, ‘Die Interaktion von Kriegsverlauf und Judenvernichtung’, HZ, 268 (1999), 311–49, here 349–52, argues that Hitler had already, when meeting Goebbels, taken the fundamental decision that the Jews of Europe were to be physically destroyed. But the evidence that Hitler dramatically changed policy towards the Jews, taking a fundamental decision for their destruction at this point, while suffering a nervous breakdown, under the impact of the realization that his strategic plan for rapidly defeating the Soviet Union had failed, and recognizing that following the signing of the Atlantic Charter by Roosevelt and Churchill he would inevitably be soon fighting the USA, is not persuasive. Hitler’s view of the Atlantic Charter (as expressed to Goebbels) was, moreover, predictably dismissive (TBJG, II/1, 263 (19 August I941)).
76. TBJG, II/1, 278 (20 August 1941).
77. Fleming, Hitler und die Endlosung, 79.
78. NA, T175, Roll 577, reports of SD-Au?enstelle Hoxter, 25 September 1941, SD-HauptauEenstelle Bielefeld, 30 September 1941; MadR, ix.3245–8; Steinert, 239–40; Ian Kershaw, ‘German Popular Opinion and the “Jewish Question”, 1939–1943: Some Further Reflections’, in Arnold Paucker (ed.), Die Juden im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, Tubingen, 1986, 366–86, here 373; Bankier, 134.
79. Andreas-Friedrich, 53 (entry for 19 September 1941, the day the decree on the wearing of the Yellow Star came into effect).
80. Klemperer, i.671 (20 September 1941), 673 (25 September 1941).
81. Inge Deutschkron, Ich trug den gelben Stern, (1978), 4th edn, Cologne, 1983, 87.
82. Bankier, 124–30.
83. Bankier, 127.
84. Faschismus, 250–52; Aly, 336–7; Fox, ‘Abetz’, 198–201.
85. Aly, 335–6, 338; see also Burrin, 118–19.
86. Christopher R. Browning, Fateful Months. Essays on the Emergence of the Final Solution, New York/London, 1985, 26; Browning, The Final Solution and the German Foreign Office, 58.
87. An inference of Aly, 306.
88. Overy, Russia’s War, 232–3; Robert Service, A History of Twentieth-Century Russia, London, 1998, 276–7; Robert Conquest, The Nation Killers. The Soviet Deportation of Nationalities, London, 1970, 59–66, 107–9.
89. Longerich, Politik, 429.
90. TBJG, II/2, 385 (9 September 1941).
91. H.D. Heilmann, ‘Aus dem Kriegstagebuch des Diplomaten Otto Brautigam’, in Biedermann und Schreibtischtater. Materialien zur deutschen Tater-Biographie, ed. Gotz Aly, Berlin, 2nd edn, 1989, 123–87, here 144–5 (entry for 14 September 1941); Adler, 176–7; Peter Witte, ‘Two Decisions concerning the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question”: Deportations to Lodz and Mass Murder in Chelmno’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 9 (1995), 293–317, here 330; see also Burrin, 122; Longerich, Politik, 429–30.
92. Adler, 176–7; Witte, ‘Two Decisions’, 330; Eberhard Jackel, Hitlers Herrschaft. Vollzug einer Weltanschauung, (1986), Stuttgart, 1988, 116; Burrin, 122; Longerich,
