372–3, 377–8) for his comparison with the Strasser crisis in 1932; also Orlow, ii.463.
100. Bormann Letters, 61–5; Orlow, ii.462 and n.282.
101. Bormann Letters, 69. Bormann wrote, in this letter to his wife dated 26 July, that the Gauleiter conference would be on 1–2 August. In fact, it took place on 3–4 August.
102. TBJG, II/13, 221–3 (4 August 1944); Speer, 402; ‘Die Rede Himmlers’, 357–94; Goebbels’s speech of 3 August in Heiber, Goebbels Reden, ii.360–404, quotation 396: ‘das mu? jetzt Schlu? sein! Jetzt nimmt die Partei diese Entwicklung in die Hand’; Orlow, ii.463–4.
103. Domarus, 2138–9; Speer, 402–3.
104. See Teppe, 278–301, here 299–301.
105. See Speer, 322–4, 333–4; Rebentisch, 412–13; Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 252–5.
106. Rebentisch, 528.
107. Frohlich, ‘Hitler und Goebbels im Krisenjahr 1944’, 195–224, here 205–6; Rebentisch, 512–14; Eleanor Hancock, National Socialist Leadership and Total War 1941–45, New York, 1991, 127–36; Wolfgang Bleyer, ‘Plane der faschistischen Fuhrung zum totalen Krieg im Sommer 1944’, Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft, 17 (1969), 1312–29. Speer seems to have been galvanized into action by the head of his Planning Office, Hans Kehrl, who saw the time as ripe following Goebbels’s article in Das Reich on 30 June 1944, pressing for the rigorous squeezing out of all remaining labour reserves. (See Kehrl’s letter to Speer of 10 July 1944, in Bleyer, ‘Plane der faschistischen Fuhrung’, 1315–16.)
108. Bleyer, ‘Plane der faschistischen Fiihrung’, 1317–25 (Speer Memoranda from 12 and 20 July 1944); Peter Longerich, ‘Joseph Goebbels und der totale Krieg: eine unbekannte Denkschrift des Propagandaministers vom 18. Juli 1944’, VfZ, 35 (1987), 289–314, text of Memorandum, 305–14; Hancock, 129, 133; Frohlich, ‘Hitler und Goebbels im Krisenjahr 1944’, 206.
109. 109. Rebentisch, 514.
110. 110. TBJG, II/12, 521 (22 June 1944).
111. 111. The text is in Bleyer, ‘Plane der faschistischen Fuhrung’, 1326–9. See also TBJG, II/13, 135–6 (23 July 1944); Rebentisch, 515; Hancock, 137–8; Longerich, ‘Joseph Goebbels und der totale Krieg’, 304–5; Frohlich, ‘Hitler und Goebbels im Krisenjahr 1944’, 206–7.
112. TBJG, II/13, 154 (24 July 1944).
113. Rudolf Semmler (real name: Semler), Goebbels — the Man Next to Hitler, London, 1947, 147 (entry for 23 July 1944).
114. RGBl, 1944, 1, Nr.34, 161–2.
115. Irving, Goring, 433; Frohlich, ‘Hitler und Goebbels im Krisenjahr 1944’, 207. For Rominten (and Goring’s other residences — he had ten at various times, apart from Carinhall, his main home, and special trains and yachts at his disposal), see Volker Knopf and Stefan Martens, Gorings Reich. Selbstinszenierungen in Carinhall, Berlin, 1999, 158–9.
116. TBJG, II/13, 153–6 (24 July 1944).
117. Oven, Mit Goebbels, ii.94, entry for 25 July 1944.
118. Rebentisch, 516–17; Hancock, 138.
119. Text in Heiber, Goebbels Reden, ii.342–59, quotation 353: ‘Es wird im Lande sowohl fur die Front wie fur die Rustungsproduktion so viel Krafte frei machen, daft es uns nicht allzu schwerfallen durfte, der Schwierigkeiten, die die Kriegslage immer wieder mit sich bringen wird, in souveraner Weise Herr zu werden.’ (Trans. amended from Seydewitz, 274.)
120. Orlow, ii.470.
121. According to the former housekeeper at his Munich apartment, Frau Anni Winter, Hitler’s sight had deteriorated sharply, requiring him to have five pairs of increasingly strong spectacles in as many years (IfZ, ZS 194, BI.3).
122. Rebentisch, 518–20.
123. Rebentisch, 521.
124. Rebentisch, 522.
125. Speer, 406.
126. Speer, 405–7; TBJG, II/13, 525–7 (20 September 1944).
127. Speer, 407.
128. See Speer, 575 n.5; and Rebentisch, 520.
129. Hancock, 152–5, 287 n.27. See also DZW, vi.222–37; Herbst, Der Totale Krieg, 343–7; Seydewitz, 275–9; Steinert, 505–6; Klaus Mammach, Der Volkssturm. Bestandteil des totalen Kriegseinsatzes der deutschen Bevlokerung 1944/45, East Berlin, 1981, 17–20.
130. Hancock, 157–8.
131. Harlan was also able to use the powers granted to him by Goebbels to acquire the services for his film of 4,000 sailors, training to counter Allied attacks on U-boats, as well as 6,000 horses. He was allowed to spend what he wanted. He put the costs of the film at around 8? million marks — eight times as much as a good film normally cost to make. (Veit Harlan, Im Schatten meiner Filme. Selbstbiographie, Gutersloh, 1966, 184, 187–8. And see Welch, Propaganda and the German Cinema, 221ff., here 234.)
132. Mammach, 39; Franz W. Seidler, ‘Deutscher Volkssturm’. Das letzte Aufgebot 1944/45, Munich, 1989, 45–9; Padfield, Himmler, 540–3. Text of Himmler’s speech at the first ‘roll-call’ of the Volkssturm in Bartenstein (East Prussia), on 18 October 1944, in IfZ, MA 315, frames 2614201ff.
133. Hitler had, in fact, in referring in 1937 to the reasons why he had had to ‘annihilate’ Ernst Rohm and other SA leaders three years earlier, explicitly rejected ‘the so-called levee en masse’ and the notion ‘that soldiers can be created only through the mobilisation of, let’s say, enthusiasm’ (Domarus, 424, 2150, n.312).
134. Mammach, 32; Hancock, 141.
135. Mammach, 24–9.
136. RGBl, 1944, 1, Nr.53, 253–4; Mammach, 32–3.
137. Mammach, 168–70.
138. Mammach, 171.
139. Mammach, 57.
140. Mammach, 54.
141. Mammach, 186–7.
142. Mammach, 65–8.
143. See Mammach, 43–51, here 47, 50.
144. Mammach, 72–3.
145. Benz, Graml, and Wei?, Enzyklopadie, 788.
146. Longerich, Hitlers Stellvertreter, 171, seems to underplay this.
147. See Rebentisch, 423–63, referring largely to the 1941–3 period.
148. IMG, XXXV, 494–502, Doc.753-D (with Bormann’s reply of 5 January 1945, putting it down largely to ‘misunderstandings’). See Rebentisch, 426; Longerich, Hitlers Stellvertreter, 171–2; Gruchmann, ‘Die “Reichsregierung” im Fuhrerstaat’, 211, 223 n.115; Broszat, Staat, 394–5; Lang, Der Sekretar, 309–10, 490; Dieter Rebentisch, ‘Hitlers Reichskanzlei zwischen Politik und Verwaltung’, in Rebentisch and Teppe, 65–99, here 96; Diehl-Thiele, 256–7.
149. Padfield, Himmler, 514, even describes him as ‘undoubtedly the chief beneficiary of the failed putsch’.
150. Padfield, Himmler, 543ff.
151. Weinberg III, 750; DZW, vi.78–9. Total losses since the beginning of the war were, by 1 October 1944, 2,748,034 men killed, injured, missing, or captured.
152. DZW, vi.183; Weinberg III, 750 (where the October losses are given as only
