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to the resultative state of an accomplished and completed process; (23b) and (24b) refer to the resultative state of processes which is a simply accomplished, apparently barring iteration:

(23a) Travaje/bila pokosena (*seljakom)

grass is/was cut.PF.PPP.SG.F (peasant.INSTR)

«The grass has been cut».

(23b) Trava je kosena jutros (*seljakom)

grass is cutlMPF.PPP.SG.F morning (peasant.INSTR)

«The grass is cut in the morning (by the peasants)».

(24a) Kuca je gradena dva mjeseca (*ljudimi)

house is build.IMPF.PPP.SG.F two months

«The building of the house lasted two months».

(24b) Kuca je/bila sagradena za dva mjeseca (*ljudimi)

house is/was build.PF.PPP.SG.F for two months

«The house was built in two months».

3. Reflexive constructions

In Russian, the constructions with — n/- t are strongly related to aspect. As rightly stated by Poupynin [1990: 11], the periphrastic passive with an imperfective participle bears very specific aspectual meanings («aspectual particular meaning», [ibid: 131]), due to very specific conditions of syntactic order, lexicon and context. Being unable to convey the notion of process, which is specific to the passive reflexive, an utterance such as (25a) combines two semantic values according to the author [ibid.: 11—2]: that of experience («experiential action») and that of resultant state («resultant state»).

But the use of the reflexive perfective passive such as (25b), which is infrequent and often deemed familiar, is due to «its ability to express the so-called potential contextual meaning» of the perfective which is interpreted as a quality of the subject [Poupynin 1990: 11–12' 1996: 131]:

(25a) Koni byli kovarty tol'ko na perednie nogi

horses were shoe.IMPF.PPP.PL only on of.front legs'

The horses had shoes only on their front legs', (lit. the horses were only shod on their front legs) (A. N. Tolstoj).

(25b) Vasa kniga procitaet-sja s

your.NOM book.NOM read.IMPF.PRES-REFL with

udovol'sviem

pleasure-INSTR

«Your book can be read with pleasure».

The meaning of passive process, i. e. one which occurs simultaneously with the speech act, may be conveyed by the reflexive passive. However, this meaning always appears in a marked context and usually has a generic interpretation:

Bulgarian

(26) Masinite se remontirat v momenta

machines.the REFL repair.IMPF.PRES.3PL in momentthe

«The machines are being repaired right now».

While both passive constructions may be used with the same verb root, their aspectual meaning is different. Thus, in Bulgarian, for example, the construction with the perfective participle expresses a resultative state ((27a), (28a)) and stands in sharp contrast with the notion of event conveyed by the reflexive aorist passive ((27b), (28b)); whatever the lexical meaning of the verb, the aorist does not imply a resultative state.

Bulgarian

(27a) Vinoto bese izpito (ot tvoite prijateli)

wine.the was drink.PF.PPP.SG.NEUTER (by your.the friends)

«The wine was drunk by your friends».

(27b) Vinoto se izpi (ot tvoite prijateli)

wine.the REFL drmk.PF.AOR.3SG (byyour.the fnends)

«The wine was drunk by your friends».

(28a) Xljabat bese izjaden s udovolsvie

bread.the was eat.PF.PPP.SG.M with pleasure

«The bread got eaten up with pleasure».

(28b) Xljabat se izjade s udovolsvie

bread.the REFL eat.PF.A0R.3SG with pleasure

«The bread got eaten up with pleasure».

Those oppositions must be kept, as illustrated by such verbs as svarja «cook, boil». (29a) is more appropriately analysed as a construction in which the resultative participle functions as a predicate; (29b) in turn shows that the reflexive aorist denotes a completed process, i. e. an event:

(29a) Supata besesvarena na fix ogan

soup.theWas boil.PF.PPP on low fire

«The soup is being cooked over slow heat».

(29b) Supata se svari *(ot decata)

soup.the REFL boil.PF.AOR.3SG (by children)

«The soup is cooked»

In Serbo-Croatian, the aspectual difference is not very strong. Yet, (30a), unlike (30b), does not express a resultative state, but refers to an interrupted process bounded by the adverbial time limit «two months»:

(30a) Kuca se gradila dva mjeseca (*ljudimi)

house REFL built.PAST.3SG two months (people.INSTR)

«The house was built in two months».

(30b) Kuca jegradena dva mjeseca (*ljudimi)

house is built.IMPF.PPP two months (people.INSTR)

«The construction of the house lasted two months».

In the following example, the aspectual constraints are context sensitive; the context does not allow the use of the periphrastic passive, only the reflexive passive:

Bulgarian

(31) V kasti nastana panika. Tocexa se

happen.PF.AOR spread dougb.[MPF.IMP REFL

banici, varjaxa se pileta, dve-tri kokoski s otseceni

pastry boil.IMPF.IMP REFL chicken

glavi se vargaljaxa sred dvora

REFL lie.IMPF.IMP