1993), p. 235.
67. R. J. B. Bosworth, Mussolini’s Italy: Life under the Fascist Dictatorship 1915- 1945 (London: Penguin Books, 2005), p. 130.
68. Emilio Gentile and Robert Mallett, “The Sacralisation of Politics: Definitions, Interpretations and Reflections on the Question of Secular Religion and Totalitarianism,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 1, no. 1 (2000): 36.
69. Alberto Toscano, Fanaticism: On the Uses of an Idea (London and New York: Verso, 2010). I am extending here Priestland’s analysis of what he coins as “revivalist Bolshevism.” See David Priestland, Stalinism and the Politics of Mobilization: Ideas, Power, and Terror in Inter-War Russia (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 39.
70. Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics, p. 55.
71. Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich, p. 460.
72. E. A. Rees, Political Thought from Machiavelli to Stalin: Revolutionary Machiavellism (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), pp. 74 and 235-36.
73. T. H. Rigby, “Introduction: Political Legitimacy, Weber and Communist Mono-organisational Systems,” in Political Legitimation in Communist States, ed. T. H. Rigby and F. Feher (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1982), p. 5.
74. Gentile and Mallett, “The Sacralisation of Politics,” p. 46.
75. Mann takes his point further by identifying two subtypes within this political category: “One driven by revolutionary class ideology, exemplified by the Stalinist regime” and “the other driven by what I shall call a revolutionary ‘nation-statist’ ideology, exemplified by Nazism.” Michael Mann, “Contradictions of Continuous Revolution,” in Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison, ed. Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 136. See his Fascists (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
76. David D. Roberts, The Totalitarian Experiment in Twentieth-Century Europe: Understanding the Poverty of Great Politics (New York and London: Routledge, 2006), p. 270.
77. See Boris Souvarine, Staline: Apercu historique de bolshevisme (Paris: Editions Champ Libre, 1977); Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis (New York: Norton, 2000); Robert Service, Stalin: A Biography (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2004); and Yuri Felschtinsky, Lenin and His Comrades (New York: Enigma Books, 2010).
78. Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism, vol. 3, The Breakdown (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 90.
79. Berman, Terror and Liberalism, p. 50.
80. Peter Ehlen, “Communist Faith and World-Explanatory Doctrine: A Philosophical analysis,” in Totalitarianism and Political Religions, vol. 2, Concepts for the Comparison of Dictatorships, ed. Hans Maier and Michael Schafer (New York: Routledge, 2007), p. 134.
81. Hans Maier, “Political Religions and Their Images: Soviet Communism, Italian Fascism and German National Socialism,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7, no. 3 (September 2006): 269.
82. Graeme Gill, The Origins of the Stalinist Political System (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 242.
83. Ana Krylova, “Beyond the Spontaneity-Consciousness Paradigm: ‘Class Instinct’ as a Promising Category of Historical Analysis,” Slavic Review 62, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 18-19. David Priestland makes a similar point as he identifies two versions of understanding “class” by the Bolsheviks: a neotraditionalist one, “as class origin,” which allows for the entrenchment of the bureaucracy produced by mass vydvizhenie; and a revivalist one, “as class mentality and culture,” which emphasizes the notion of vospetanie, which can be turned against the “new class.” See Priestland, Stalinism and the Politics of Mobilization, p. 415.
84. Quoted by David McLellan, Marxism after Marx, 4th ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 98.
85. Jowitt, New World Disorder, pp. 25-27.
86. Rees, Political Thought from Machiavelli to Stalin, p. 115.
87. Rees lists N. A. Speshnev, N. P. Ogarev, P. G. Zaichnevskii, M. Bakunin, P. N. Tkachev, and S. G. Nechaev as the founding fathers of “revolutionary Machiavellism.” On the relationship between the Russian tradition of radical political thought and Lenin, see also Tibor Szamuely, The Russian Tradition, ed. Robert Conquest (London: Fontana, 1974); and Adam Ulam, In the Name of the People: Prophets and Conspirators in Prerevolutionary Russia (New York: Viking Press, 1977).
88. Robert Mayer, “Lenin and the Jacobin Identity in Russia,” Studies in East European Thought 51 (1999): 127-54. Also see Mayer, “Lenin, the Proletariat, and the Legitimation of Dictatorship,” Journal of Political Ideologies 2 (February 1997): 99-115; and “Plekhanov, Lenin and Working-Class Consciousness,” Studies in East European Thought 49 (September 1997): 159-85.
89. See Maximilien Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, ed. Slavoj Zizek (New York: Verso, 2007).
90. On Lenin’s concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat, see Kolakowski, Main Currents, pp. 744-49.
91. Luxemburg, “The Russian Revolution,” p. 391.
92. Hannah Arendt, “Nightmare and Flight,” in Essays in Understanding, 1930- 1954, ed. Jerome Kern (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Jovanovich), p. 134.
93. Daniel Chirot, “What Was Communism All About?” (review essay on The Black Book of Communism), East European Politics and Societies 14, no. 3 (Fall 2000): 665-75.
94. Polan, Lenin and the End of Politics.
95. Peter Holquist, “’Information is the Alpha and Omega of Our Work’: Bolshevik Surveillance in its Pan- European Perspective,” Journal of Modern History 69, no. 3 (1997): 415-50.
96. I am paraphrasing Roberts, The Totalitarian Experiment, p. 415.
97. Klaus-Georg Riegel, “Marxism-Leninism as a Political Religion” in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6, no. 1 (June 2005): 98.
98. Martin Malia, The Soviet Tragedy (New York: Free Press, 1994); Richard Pipes, The Russian Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1990).
99. Quoted by John Patrick Diggins, Max Weber: Politics and the Spirit of Tragedy (New York: Basic Books, 1996), p. 239.
100. Ibid., p. 230.
101. Slavoj Zizek, “Introduction between the Two Revolutions,” in Revolution at the Gates: Selected Writings of Lenin from 1917 (London: Verso, 2002), 6.
102. Alexander Yakovlev, A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002); see also my review of Yakovlev’s book, “Apostate Apparatchik,” Times Literary Supplement, February 21, 2003, p. 26; and Paul Hollander, The End of Commitment: Intellectuals, Revolutionaries, and Political Morality (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006).
103. Isaac Deutscher, “Marxism and Primitive Magic,” in The Stalinist Legacy: Its Impact on Twentieth Century World Politics, ed. Tariq Ali (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1984), 11-14.
104. See Robert C. Tucker’s interview with George Urban in G. R. Urban, ed., Stalinism—Its Impact on Russia and the World (London: Maurice Temple Smith, 1982), pp. 151 and 170.
105. Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2001), p. 341.
106. Sheila Fitzpatrick, “Ascribing Class: The Construction of Social Identity in Soviet Russia,” in Stalinism—New Directions, ed. Sheila Fitzpatrick (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), pp. 20-47.
