107. Priestland, Stalinism and the Politics of Mobilization, p. 249.
108. Erik van Ree, “Stalin as Marxist: The Western Roots of Stalin’s Russification of Marxism,” in Stalin: A New History, ed. Sarah Davies and James Harris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 172.
109. Roberts, The Totalitarian Experiment, p. 231.
110. In Mussolini’s Italy, Carta de Lavoro, the 1927 charter that encoded the regime’s program of modernization, used a strikingly similar characterization of the community on the path to constructing the revolutionary state: “The Italian nation is an organism having a purpose, life and means of action superior to those of any individual or groups who are part of it. It is a moral, political and economic unit which integrally achieves the Fascist State.” This charter was designed mainly by Italo Balbo. See Bosworth, Mussolini’s Italy, p. 227.
111. David Brandenberger, “Stalin as Symbol: A Case Study of the Personality Cult and Its Construction,” in Stalin, ed. Davies and Harris, p. 250. For his discussion of National Bolshevism, see David Brandenberger, National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 1931-1956 (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 2002).
112. Gill, The Origins, pp. 242-45.
113. Both quotations from Stalin are from Ethan Pollock, “Stalin as the Coryphaeus of Science: Ideology and Knowledge in the Post-War Years,” in Stalin, ed. Davies and Harris, pp. 283 and 280.
114. Georg Lukacs, History and Class Consciousness (London: Merlin Press, 1971), p. 51.
115. Lenin and the Twentieth Century: A Bertram D. Wolfe Retrospective, compiled and with an introduction by Lennard D. Gerson, foreword by Alain Besancon (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1984), p. 86.
116. Dick Howard, The Specter of Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 19.
117. See Leszek Kolakowski interview in Urban, ed., Stalinism, p. 250.
118. Roger Griffin, “Introduction: God’s Counterfeiters? Investigating the Triad of Fascism, Totalitarianism and (Political) Religion,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 5, no. 3 (Winter 2004): 291-325.
119. Kolakowski, Main Currents, pp. 989-1032, 1124-1147; Gorbachev’s former chief ideologue, Alexander Yakovlev, writes about this in his somewhat vehement contribution to Stephane Courtois et al., eds., Du passe nous faisons table rase! Histoire et memoire du communisme en Europe (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2002), pp. 173-210.
120. Katerina Clark, Petersburg: Crucible of Cultural Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), p. 2.
121. Tucker argues that “the Russian revolutionary mentality found no difficulty in adjusting itself to Marxism, or Marxism to itself. Part of the explanation is that this mentality was, even in pre-Marxist days, hostile to capitalism…. But the chief facilitating circumstance was… that the war between class and class had to be decided in the final analysis by overthrowing the existing state. Further, his doctrine appealed to the anarchist streak in the Russian revolutionary mentality, for it visualized the withering away of government after the proletarian revolution. Hence it was entirely possible for a Russian revolutionary whose mind was obsessed with the image of a dual Russia to become a Marxist and continue in that capacity the indigenous revolutionary tradition of warfare against official Russia…. He could talk as a Marxist while thinking and feeling as a Russian revolutionary.” Robert C. Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind: Stalinism and Post-Stalin Change, rev. ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1971), p. 130-31.
122. Griffin, Modernism and Fascism, p. 172.
123. Steven G. Marks, How Russia Shaped the Modern World: From Art to Anti-Semitism, Ballet to Bolshevism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
124. Alexander Solzhenitsyn et al., From Under the Rubble, intro. Max Hayward (Washington D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1981).
125. Lars T. Lih, “How a Founding Document Was Found, or One Hundred Years of Lenin’s What Is to Be Done?” Kriitika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4, no. 1 (Winter 2003): 5-49.
126. Halfin, From Darkness to Light, p. 14.
127. Klaus-Georg Riegel, “Communities of Virtuosi: An Interpretation of the Stalinist Criticism and Self-Criticism in the Perspective of Max Weber’s Sociology of Religion,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 1, no. 3 (Winter 2000): 16-42.
128. Halfin, From Darkness to Light, pp. 156-57.
129. Ibid., p. 84.
130. Earnest Tuveson quoted in ibid., p. 47.
131. Ibid., p. 115.
132. There was a crucial distinction between Marx and Lenin on this issue. For Marx, the liberation of the proletariat had to be “the work of the proletarians themselves.” Two lines of thought collided on this issue, leading to some of the fiercest debates in twentieth-century left-wing radical parties and movements.
133. Maykovsky wrote these verses in his poem “Vlaadimir Ilyich Lenin” in Vladimir Mayakovsky, Moia revolutsia (Moscow: Sovremennik Publishers, 1974).
134. Bolshevism and National Socialism shared the fascination with an anthropological revolution. Mussolini was also committed to creating a new Fascist Man, and so was the Captain of Romania’s Iron Guard, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.
135. Astrid Hadin, “Stalinism as a Civilization: New Perspectives on Communist Regimes,” Political Studies Review 2 (2004): 166-84.
136. For a discussion of myth versus ideology in relation to Marxism-Leninism, see Carol Barner-Barry and Cynthia Hody, “Soviet Marxism-Leninism as Mythology,” Political Psychology 15, no. 4 (December 1994): 609-30.
137. Ehlen, “Communist Faith and World-Explanatory Doctrine,” in Totalitarianism, ed. Maier and Schafer, p. 129.
138. See A. James Gregor’s discussion of the nationalist, mystical writings of Serghei Kurginian and Alexandr Prohanov and their influence over Zyuganov, particularly manifested in the “Declaration to the People,” the manifesto of Russian Stalino-Fascism. See A. James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 144-55; and Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009).
139. Nikolai Chernyshevsky, What Is to Be Done? (Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell University Press, 1989).
140. In addition to Jowitt’s contributions, see Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind; and Robert Conquest, Reflections on a Ravaged Century (New York: Norton, 2000).
141. Luxemburg, “The Russian Revolution,” p. 375.
142. Beryl Williams, Lenin (Harlow: Logman Publishing Group, 1999), p. 73.
143. Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German Dictatorship: The Origins, Structure, and Effects of National Socialism, trans. Jean Steinberg with an introduction by Peter Gay (New York and Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1970), p. 152.
144. Gabriel Almond, The Appeals of Communism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1954); Burleigh, Sacred Causes, esp. “The Totalitarian Political Religions,” pp. 38-122.
145. Bert Hoppe, “Iron Revolutionaries and Salon Socialists: Bolsheviks and German Communists in the 1920s and 1930s,” in “Fascination and Enmity: Russia and Germany as Entangled Histories, 1914-1945,” special issue, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 10, no. 3 (Summer 2009):
