124

Tilly 1996, p. 116.

125

However, this attempt, organized by the legendary Scottish Financier John Law of Mississippi Company Fame, backfired and prompted the British in 1719 to introduce a ban on the emigration of skilled workers, and especially on the attempt to recruit such workers for jobs abroad (‘suborning’) (see section 2.3.3 for further details).

126

See Milward and Saul 1979, pp. 270, 284; Fohlen 1973, pp. 68-9.

127

Milward and Saul 1979, p. 284.

128

Milward and Saul 1979, pp. 284-5.

129

See for example Trebilcock 1981; Kuisel 1981.

130

Nye 1991, p. 25.

131

In apparent contradiction to table 2.1, table 2.2 shows that there was still some protection left in the British economy. This is because total free trade prevailed only for manufactured products (as shown in table 2.1) and there were still some ‘revenue tariffs’ for luxury goods left (which are reflected in table 2.2). See the first quote from Fielden 1969 towards the end of section 2.2.1 for further details.

132

Irwin 1993 questions Nye’s conclusion on a number of grounds. The most important of his criticisms is that most British tariffs that remained after the 1840s were ‘revenue tariffs’ imposed on luxury items, and therefore had little impact on industrial incentives. However, in his reply, Nye 1993 points out that even revenue tariffs can have a significant impact on industrial structure and that it was only, in the 1860s that British tariffs became mainly revenue tariffs, thus making his claim valid at least until 1860.

133

Trebilcock 1981, p. 184; Bury 1964, chapter 4; Cameron 1953. Cameron describes Credit Foncier as being ‘virtually an agency of the government’ (1963, p. 462).

134

See Kindleberger 1975 for further details on the making of the treaty.

135

Kuisel 1981, p. 18.

136

Kuisel 1981, pp. 9-10, 12-13.

137

Kuisel 1981, p. 14.

138

Kuisel 1981, p. 18; Dormois 1999, p. 71.

139

For the postwar French experience, see, among others, Shonfield 1965; Cohen, 1977; Hall 1986. It is probably as a result of this bitter experience of being overtaken by its century-long rival that many British commentators (whether pro-French or otherwise) highlight the contrast between their own laissez- faire approach and France’s etatisme or dirigisme, and therefore ignore the fact that the French state had been almost as non- interventionist (and in some respects even more so) as the British state for the century and a half between the French Revolution and the Second World War.

140

Gustavson 1986, pp. 15, 57.

141

Gustavson 1986, p. 65.

142

Bohlin 1999, p. 155.

143

Chang and Kozul-Wright 1994, p. 869; Bohlin 1999, p. 156.

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