personal union.
109. Domarus, 816–17.
110. Below, 91; Tb Irving, 106 (13 March 1938); Tb Spiegel, 31/92, 107; Domarus, 817; Wagner and Tomkowitz, 194–5.
111. Below, 91.
112. Below, 92.
113. Heinz Guderian, Panzer Leader, New York (1952), Da Capo Press edn, 1996, 50–56, here 56.
114. Domarus, 817–18 and n.139; Wagner and Tomkowitz, 198–201.
115. Tb Irving, 107 (14 March 1938); Tb Spiegel, 31/92, 107. Gerhard Botz, Nationalsozialismus in Wien. Machtubernahme und Herrschaftssicherung 1938/39, 3rd edn, Buchloe, 1988, 71, suggests that delays in getting the troops to Vienna and the wish to be sure of reactions abroad were responsible for the postponement of Hitler’s arrival in Vienna. But Guderian, who was in charge of the motorized units to enter Austria, later corrected the widely read, but misleading, account of military inefficiency and tank breakdowns, allegedly prompting fury from Hitler, as the reason (Guderian, 54–5; Churchill, i.242 (who probably derived his information from a usually well informed British witness of events in Vienna, G. E. R. Gedye, Fallen Bastions. The Central European Tragedy, London, 1939, 315–16. Gedye had been the Daily Telegraph’s correspondent in Austria for twelve years)).
116. See Schroeder, 85; Below, 92.
117. Below, 92.
118. Domarus, 819.
119. As suggested by David Irving, Fuhrer und Reichskanzler. Adolf Hitler 1933– 1945, Munich/Berlin, 1989, 91.
120. Schuschnigg was by this time, while nominally free, in effect under house arrest. See Schuschnigg, Austrian Requiem, 59–60.
121. Franz Jetzinger, Hitlers Jugend, Vienna, 1956, 131–3, 136 (photo); Domarus, 821; Below, 93, for the visit to Leonding.
122. Domarus, 821; there is no record of any prior telephone conversation with Mussolini (see Keitel, 179, n.32), though it is likely that the telegram followed such a call, to ensure the Duce’s approval for the final step of full Anschlu?.
123. Domarus, 822.
124. Below, 92; Domarus, 820–21 for the law. A first draft had already been drawn up before Stuckart left Berlin (Erwin A. Schmidl, Marz 38. Der deutsche Einmarsch in Osterreich, Vienna, 1987, 214).
125. Kube, 248 and n.118. Stuckart flew at midday on 13 March to Vienna to discuss the draft with Keppler and representatives of the Austrian government (Schmidl, 214).
126. ‘Anschlu?’ 1938, 330–31.
127. Tb Irving, 107, 108–9 (14–15 March 1938); Tb Spiegel, 31/92, 107, 110, entry for 14 March (dealing with events of the previous day) has ‘The Anschlu? is practically there. The Fuhrer is staying in Linz on Sunday’ (‘Der Anschlu? ist praktisch da. Der Fuhrer bleibt Sonntag in Linz’). The entry for 15 March (reporting on ‘yesterday’) has: ‘Anschlu? completed. Election on 10 April… The Austrian armed forces under the Fuhrer’s command’ (‘Anschlu? vollzogen. Am 10.April Wahl… Die osterreichische Wehrmacht dem Fuhrer unterstellt’). This suggests that the signing of the Anschlu? legislation took place in the evening of 13 March.
128. Account of the decision for the Anschlu? based on Below, 92; Leonidas E. Hill (ed.), Die Weizsacker-Papiere 1933–1950, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin/Vienna, 1974, 124 (26 March 1938); Domarus, 820–21; Schmidl, 214–15; ‘Anschlu?’ 1938, 328ff; Irving, Fuhrer, 91.
129. Kube, 248–9; David Irving, Goring. A Biography, London, 1989, 210–11. The frequently cited version — see, for example, Toland, 452; Irving, Fuhrer, 91; Wagner and Tomkowitz, 211 — of Goring sending an intermediary to Linz with the suggestion of moving to full Anschlu? and Hitler agreeing, rests on a single piece of doubtful testimony, and reflects Goring’s embellishment of his own role. (See Kube, 248 n.117.) Papen, influenced by Goring’s Nuremberg testimony, also stated that Hitler moved to Anschlu? at Goring’s insistence (Papen, 438).
130. Domarus, 821; Below, 92; Pauley, 219–20.
131. Below, 92–3; Domarus, 822; Gedye, 318; Botz, Wien, 72.
132. Botz, Wien, 119.
133. Domarus, 822.
134. Gedye, 318.
135. Below, 93; Schroeder, 85; Domarus, 822; Gedye, 318–19; Botz, Wien, 73.
136. Keitel, 180.
137. Botz, Wien, 69–71.
138. Botz, Wien, 73–4.
139. Botz, Wien, 55–8.
140. Domarus, 823; Botz, Wien, 75.
141. Domarus, 824; Wagner and Tomkowitz, 226–9.
142. Papen, 432–3. Papen says the meeting lasted an hour. Botz, Wien, 76, 120, 523 n.19, claims it was no longer than a quarter of an hour. Hitler’s tight schedule would not have allowed for Papen’s lengthier audience.
143. Papen, 433; Botz, Wien, 120.
144. Botz, Wien, 123; Lewy, 212.
145. Domarus, 825; Botz, Wien, 122.
146. Domarus, 825–6; Botz, Wien, 76, 523 n.19.
147. Domarus, 830.
148. Domarus, 832–50.
149. BA, R55/445, ‘Wahlparole Nr.8’, 1 April 1938.
150. Domarus, 850.
151. BA, R55/445, ‘Rundspruch Nr.69. Tagesparole vom 11. April 1938, betr. die Kommentierung des Wahlergebnisses’. [‘Ein solches, beinahe 100 prozentiges Wahlergebnis ist gleichzeitig ein Ruhmesblatt fur alle Wahlpropagandisten.’]
152. See Botz, Der 13.Marz 38, 2.4–6, and, especially, Botz, Wien, ch.II; Ernst Hanisch, National sozialistische Herrschaft in der Provinz. Salzburg im Dritten Reich, Salzburg, 1983, 52–71, for the vote in Austria; also Helmut Auerbach, ‘Volksstimmung und veroffentlichte Meinung’, in Knipping and Muller, 273–93, here 279. One example, cited by Auerbach (279 n.33), of ballot-rigging was the case in the Konstanz area where thirty-two voting slips containing ‘Nein’ votes had been counted as ‘Ja’. (See Jorg Schadt (ed.), Verfolgung und Widerstand unter dem Nationalsozialismus in Baden. Die Lageberichte der Gestapo und des Generalstaatsanwalts Karlsruhe 1933–1940, Stuttgart, 1976, 270.)
153. Tb Irving, 123 (20 March 1938); Tb Spiegel, 31/92, 110.
154. Papen, 438.
155. Botz, Wien, 57.
156. Gerhard Botz, ‘Die Ausgliederung der Juden aus der Gesellschaft. Das Ende des Wiener Judentums unter der NS-Herrschaft (1938–1943)’, in Gerhard Botz, Ivar Oxaal, and Michael Pollak (eds.), Eine zerstorte Kultur. Judisches Leben und Antisemitismus in Wien seit dem 19. Jahrhundert, Buchloe, 1990, 285–312, here 289–90; Gedye, 307–9.
157. Gedye, 295.
