65. Speer, 275–6; TBJG, II/7, 516 (9 March 1943).
66. TBJG, II/7, 576–7 (18 March 1943); Speer, 276.
67. Rebentisch, 495.
68. Speer, 278 (claiming it arose from Goring’s morphine addiction). A medical examination by the Americans in 1945 revealed Goring’s dependence on dihydro-codeine, whose effects and level of addiction were only a fraction of those of morphine (Irving, Goring, 476).
69. Irving, Goring, 383.
70. Speer, 279.
71. TBJG, II/9, 549–50 (21 September 1943).
72. Rebentisch, 482–3.
73. Rebentisch, 483–4.
74. Rebentisch, 485–6.
75. Rebentisch, 486–7.
76. Rebentisch, 489–90. According to one report, from Vienna, of 84,000 who had reported there under the ‘combing-out action’, closures had yielded only 3,600 men, of whom a mere 384 were useful for the armed forces (Rebentisch, 490).
77. See Steinert, 332ff.
78. StA Wurzburg, SD/13, report of SD-Au?enstelle Bad Kissingen, 22 April 1943: ‘Das Ansehen der NSDAP wurde durch ein[e] Einschaltung der Partei bei der Geschaftsschlie?ung und dem Arbeitseinsatz in der Provinz stark beeintrachtigt. Geruchtweise verlautet, da? Vg. welche durch Schlie?ungen wie auch durch Verluste von Angehorigen heimgesucht wurden, Fubrerbilder in ihrer Wohnung heruntergerissen und zertrummert hatten.’
79. For a brief sketch of Weber’s character and career, see Munchen — Hauptstadt der Bewegung, ed. Munchner Stadtmuseum, 1993, 231–2. Weber is the subject of a documentary-novel written with much insight by Herbert Rosendorfer, Die Nacht der Amazonen. Roman, dtv edn, Munich, 1992.
80. All the above rests on Rebentisch, 490–92.
81. Guderian, 288.
82. See Churchill, IV, ch.xxxviii for a description of the conference and 615 for Churchill’s surprise. The surprise was somewhat disingenuous. As Churchill admitted, and the minutes of the war cabinet of 20 January showed, he had already before the Casablanca Conference approved the notion of stipulating a demand for ‘unconditional surrender’. For the implications — often exaggerated — of the demand for ‘Unconditional Surrender’, see Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 342–4; Weinberg, iii.482; Oxford Companion, 1174–6.
83. Below, 330; and see also 329, 339 for Hitler’s repeated recourse to the ‘unconditional surrender’ demand to reinforce his view that any suggestion of capitulating or searching for a negotiated peace was pointless. Goebbels, on the other hand, made no mention of it during his ‘total war’ speech and little or no use of it in the direction of propaganda. (See Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 344; Irving, HW, 478 n.4.)
84. Below, 329; Manstein, 406–13; Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 238.
85. Guderian, 302.
86. Eberhard Schwarz, Die Stabilisierung der Ostfront nach Stalingrad: Mansteins Gegenschlag zwischen Donez und Dnieper im Fruhjahr 1943, Diss. Koln, 1981, 325–6; Below, 330–31; Guderian, 302; Weinberg III, 457–9.
87. Below, 332.
88. Warlimont, 312.
89. TBJG, II/7, 593 (20 March 1943).
90. Guderian, 306.
91. Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (Wehrmachtfuhrungsstab), Band III:1. Januar 1943–31. Dezember 1943, ed. Walther Hubatsch, Frankfurt am Main, 1963 (= KTB OKW, iii) pt.2, 1420–2 (Operationsbefehl Nr.5, Weisung fur die Kampffuhrung der nachsten Monate an der Ostfront vom 13.3.1943). See also Manstein, 443–6; and Weinberg III, 601.
92. KTB OKW, iii/2, 1425–8 (Operationsbefehl Nr.6, Zitadelle, 15.4.43), quotation 1425.
93. Domarus, 2009; Manstein, 447.
94. Guderian, 306.
95. For brief portraits of Model, see Joachim Ludewig, ‘Walter Model — Hitlers bester Feldmarschall?’, in Smelser and Syring, 368–87; Samuel W. Mitcham, Jr and Gene Mueller, ‘Generalfeldmarschall Walter Model’, in Ueberschar, Hitlers militarische Elite, ii.153–60; and Carlo D’Este, ‘Model’, in Barnett, 318–33.
96. Guderian, 306.
97. Guderian, 308–9.
98. See LB Darmstadt, 197–8 (26 July 1943).
99. Timothy Mulligan, ‘Spies, Cyphers, and “Zitadelle”. Intelligence and the Battle of Kursk’, JCH, 22 (1987), 235–60; Glantz and House, 162–6.
100. Warlimont, 308, 311.
101. Warlimont, 307.
102. Warlimont, 308–10. Hitler was aware that Kesselring was ‘an enormous optimist (ein kolossaler Optimist)’, and that he needed to be careful not to be blinded by this optimism (LB Darmstadt, 95–6 (20 May 1943)).
103. Warlimont, 312.
104. Below, 333–4.
105. So Hitler told Goebbels, almost a month later (TBJG, II/8, 225 (7 May 1943)). The meetings at Klessheim took place between 7 and 10 April (Hauner, Hitler, 1 82– 3).
106. Schmidt, 563.
107. TBJG, II/8, 225 (7 May 1943).
108. Dollmann, 35–7; see also Irving, HW, 504–6.
109. TBJG, II/7, 225 (7 May 1943).
110. Domarus, 2003–8.
111. 111. Staatsmanner II, 214–33, especially 217–24, 228–33 (quotations 215, 233).
112. Staatsmanner II, 234–63, quotation 238.
113. Nuremberg and Furth were about four miles apart in the region of Middle Franconia, and had been linked in 1835 by Germany’s first stretch of railway. Nuremberg’s tradition as a ‘Freie Reichsstadt’ (Free Imperial City) in the days of the Holy Roman Empire, the ‘German’ virtues associated with the city through Wagner’s Meistetsinger von Nurnberg, and, in the Nazi era, its standing as the ‘City of the Reich Party Rallies (Stadt der Reichsparteitage)’ all contributed (together with the extreme antisemitic climate influenced by the Jew-baiting Gauleiter, Julius Streicher) to singling it out for Hitler as an especially ‘German’ city. Furth, by contrast, had, until the late nineteenth century, had the largest Jewish population in Bavaria, coming to epitomize for the Nazis a ‘Jewish town’. In fact, by the time that Hitler came to power the proportion of Jews in the population of Furth (2.6 per cent) was scarcely greater than that of Nuremberg (1.8 per cent). By 1939, the relative proportions had dwindled, respectively, to 1.0 per cent and 0.6 per cent (Ophir/Wiesemann, 179, 203).
114. Hillgruber, Staatsmanner II, 256–7.
115. TBJG, II/7, 515 (9 March 1943).
116. Hilberg, Vernichtung, iii. 1283–5; Fleming, Hitler und die Endlosung, 148–53; Gerald Reitlinger, The Final Solution, (1953), Sphere
